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The Balliet Family

2020-10-13T00:17:31Z

Ajroberts2021:

This page gives context to the activities of the Balliet family's iron-producing activities in the mid 1800s. More information on these individuals can be found on their respective pages.

==Founded Establishments==

In 1816, the Ballietsville English school was established. <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 73 </ref> Another English school was established in 1833. "In the beginning of the first decade of the present century, educational matters/importance began to grow." <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 74 </ref> The earliest schools were connected to the Lutheran and German reformed churches and the pastor almost always the teacher (secular).<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 72 </ref> Under the firm name Pretz, Balliet, Gausler & Co. they had established a planing-mill for about three years. <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 86 </ref>

==Aaron Balliet==
In 1837 [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]] erected a charcoal furnace in Carbon County and operated it for twenty years before relocating to Ballietsville<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 505</ref>. Aaron Balliet, his brother [[Stephen Balliet (1809-1860)]], his brother-in-law [[Benjamin Levan (1806-1886)]], and his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] became incorporated to form Stephen Balliet & Co., with the purpose of building iron furnaces<ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 1:633</ref>. In 1854 his father died and the company admitted new partners and became the [[Lehigh Valley Iron Company]] <ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 1:633</ref>. In 1879, after various financial hardships, the company reincorporated as the Coplay Iron Company, with Aaron Balliet serving as a director of the company<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504 </ref>. Aaron Balliet also managed mines with his brothers [[Paul Balliet (1811-1886)]] and [[John Balliet (1819-1886)]].

==Benjamin Levan==
[[Benjamin Levan (1806-1886)]] was married to Maria Balliet, daughter of [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]]<ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 2:51-54</ref>. Levan became the superintendent of the [[Lehigh Furnace]] in Washington Township, PA, a position that he held for twenty-eight years<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504 </ref>. Benjamin Levan later moved to Whitehall Township, where he was integral in establishing the furnace at the [[Lehigh Valley Iron Company]]. He remained with the company for thirty years serving as secretary, treasurer, superintendent, and general manager<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504 </ref>.

==John Balliet==
[[John Balliet (1819-1886)]] worked at the [[Lehigh Furnace]], which was owned by his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]]<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 555</ref>. He later became the co-owner, alongside his brothers [[Paul Balliet (1811-1886)]] and [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]], and superintendent of said property<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 555</ref>. John Balliet moved to East Penn Township and became the superintendent of the [[East Penn Furnace]], which was later partially destroyed by floods<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 556</ref>. John Balliet rebuilt, leased, and successfully ran the furnace for many years. He also built and opened a store in 1872 <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 767-768</ref>.

==Paul Balliet==
[[Paul Balliet (1811-1886)]] managed a furnace that his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] owned. Along with his brothers [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]] and [[John Balliet (1819-1886)]], Paul Balliet became involved in a mining enterprise in North Whitehall.

==Stephen Balliet==
In 1826 [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] and Samuel Helffrich bought the land upon which the [[Lehigh Furnace]] would be built, purchasing twenty-five acres at the southern foot of the Blue Mountain from Christian Snyder and Christian Bloss<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 553 </ref>. Stephen Balliet and Helffrich erected the [[East Penn Forge]] on the north side of the Blue Mountain in East Penn Township, Carbon County in 1828<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 722 </ref>. In 1830 Helffrich died<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 553</ref>, and his shares in the iron business were bought by Stephen Balliet two years later<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 722 </ref>. In 1837 Stephen Balliet purchased three thousand acres of land near the forge, built another furnace, and constructed additional housing for workers, bringing the total to eleven<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 722 </ref>. Stephen Balliet continued to operate the furnace until his death in 1854<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 553</ref>.

Balliet's came to Lehigh Valley around 1735. (page 6 Austin Matthews, Austin Ungerford; Histories of the Counties of Lehigh and Carbon, in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania)

Paulus Balliet was one of the first settlers along the Coplay Creek. He was born in Alsace, Germany in 1717 and came to America in 1738. He was the original landlord at Ballietsville. (page 511)

In 1816 the Ballietsville English School opened, which might indicate that the Balliet family had grown and attained enough money and influence to help establish an English school, which was unusual in that area since most schools in that area had instruction given in German. (page 73).

By the early 1800s the Balliet's were entering local politics, with Paull Balliet elected as commisioner in 1839 and Hiram Balliet elected commissioner in 1871. (page 50)

By 1854, L.B. Balliet graduated from the University of Pennsylvania as a physician, who returned to practice in the Lehigh Valley. (page 70)

Records seem to indicate that other Balliet's were physicians as well, since S.W. Balliet was a member of the Lehigh County Medical Society in 1865. (page 72)

In 1856 a planing-mill and lumber yard opened with the name Pretz, Balliet, Gausler & Co, which would indicate that a member of the Balliet family was involved in this business. (page 86)

In April 1856 a road was approved that went from Balliet's Furnace to Allentown, PA (page 278)

The original Balliet's Furnace was in operation in 1832 and was already being referred to as the "old Balliet furnace". It later became known as "old Lehigh Furnace." (page 279)

In 1853 Stephen Balliet, Stephen Balliet Jr. and Aaron Billiet, along with Benjamin Levan went into business together as Stephen Balliet & Co., to build and operate an iron furnace (page 504).

Paulus Balliet was one of the first settlers along the Coplay Creek. He was born in Alsace, Germany in 1717 and came to America in 1738. He was the original landlord at Ballietsville. (page 511)

https://explorepahistory.com/story.php?storyId=1-9-17&chapter=2#:~:text=By%201775%2C%20more%20than%202%2C000,Employees%20were%20a%20diverse%20lot.&text=Slaves%20were%20a%20minority%20of,slave%20owners%20in%20rural%20Pennsylvania.
In the Pennsylvania Iron Industry in general, iron plantations required workers with a broad range of skills. Founders kept the furnace in blast, molders cast the iron into products, and the colliers heated the wood to make the charcoal that kept the furnace going. Less skilled workers were the woodcutters and teamsters. Founders and molders were highly skilled workers, so they were usually hard to find and difficult to replace if they left. (Source above: ExplorePAHistory.com)

==Stephen Balliet==
In 1853 [[Stephen Balliet (1809-1860)]], his brother [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]], his brother-in-law [[Benjamin Levan (1806-1886)]], and his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] became incorporated to form Stephen Balliet & Co., beginning the Coplay Ironworks<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504</ref>.

Stephen Balliet married Maria Anna Bieber (1811-1832) in 1831<ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 2:49</ref>. They had a son together, Lewis Bieber Balliet (1832-1913). Stephen Balliet's wife died in April of 1832. Following her death, he married Elizabeth Huntzinger and together they had eleven children, five of whom survived into adulthood: Sarah, Emma, Fannie, Margaret, and Arabella<ref> Roberts et al. 1914, 2:49</ref>.

The Northampton Bank in Allentown, PA, chartered in 1814, began to fail in 1842 and shut its doors. The bank reopened in 1843<ref>Mathews and Hungerford, 145</ref>, and Stephen Balliet was elected as the president of the bank on June 5 of that year<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 146</ref>.

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
* Hellerich, Mahlon Howard. 1987. ''A History of Allentown: 1861-1865.'' In Allentown 1762-1987: A 225-Year History, edited by Mahlon Howard Hellerich, 91–180. Allentown, PA: Lehigh County Historical Society.

* Mathews, Alfred, and Austin N. Hungerford. 1884. ''History of the Counties of Lehigh and Carbon, in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.'' Philadelphia: Everts & Richards.

*Roberts, Charles Rhoads, John Baer Stoudt, Thomas H. Krick, and William J. Dietrich. 1914. ''History of Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, and a Genealogical and Biographical Record of Its Families.'' Vol. I, Allentown, PA: Lehigh Valley Publishing Company, Limited.

*Roberts, Charles Rhoads, John Baer Stoudt, Thomas H. Krick, and William J. Dietrich. 1914. ''History of Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, and a Genealogical and Biographical Record of Its Families.'' Vol. II, Allentown, PA: Lehigh Valley Publishing Company, Limited.

The Balliet Family

2020-10-13T00:01:41Z

Ajroberts2021:

This page gives context to the activities of the Balliet family's iron-producing activities in the mid 1800s. More information on these individuals can be found on their respective pages.

==Founded Establishments==

In 1816, the Ballietsville English school was established. <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 73 </ref> Another English school was established in 1833. "In the beginning of the first decade of the present century, educational matters/importance began to grow." <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 74 </ref> The earliest schools were connected to the Lutheran and German reformed churches and the pastor almost always the teacher (secular).<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 72 </ref>

==Aaron Balliet==
In 1837 [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]] erected a charcoal furnace in Carbon County and operated it for twenty years before relocating to Ballietsville<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 505</ref>. Aaron Balliet, his brother [[Stephen Balliet (1809-1860)]], his brother-in-law [[Benjamin Levan (1806-1886)]], and his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] became incorporated to form Stephen Balliet & Co., with the purpose of building iron furnaces<ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 1:633</ref>. In 1854 his father died and the company admitted new partners and became the [[Lehigh Valley Iron Company]] <ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 1:633</ref>. In 1879, after various financial hardships, the company reincorporated as the Coplay Iron Company, with Aaron Balliet serving as a director of the company<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504 </ref>. Aaron Balliet also managed mines with his brothers [[Paul Balliet (1811-1886)]] and [[John Balliet (1819-1886)]].

==Benjamin Levan==
[[Benjamin Levan (1806-1886)]] was married to Maria Balliet, daughter of [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]]<ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 2:51-54</ref>. Levan became the superintendent of the [[Lehigh Furnace]] in Washington Township, PA, a position that he held for twenty-eight years<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504 </ref>. Benjamin Levan later moved to Whitehall Township, where he was integral in establishing the furnace at the [[Lehigh Valley Iron Company]]. He remained with the company for thirty years serving as secretary, treasurer, superintendent, and general manager<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504 </ref>.

==John Balliet==
[[John Balliet (1819-1886)]] worked at the [[Lehigh Furnace]], which was owned by his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]]<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 555</ref>. He later became the co-owner, alongside his brothers [[Paul Balliet (1811-1886)]] and [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]], and superintendent of said property<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 555</ref>. John Balliet moved to East Penn Township and became the superintendent of the [[East Penn Furnace]], which was later partially destroyed by floods<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 556</ref>. John Balliet rebuilt, leased, and successfully ran the furnace for many years. He also built and opened a store in 1872 <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 767-768</ref>.

==Paul Balliet==
[[Paul Balliet (1811-1886)]] managed a furnace that his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] owned. Along with his brothers [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]] and [[John Balliet (1819-1886)]], Paul Balliet became involved in a mining enterprise in North Whitehall.

==Stephen Balliet==
In 1826 [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] and Samuel Helffrich bought the land upon which the [[Lehigh Furnace]] would be built, purchasing twenty-five acres at the southern foot of the Blue Mountain from Christian Snyder and Christian Bloss<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 553 </ref>. Stephen Balliet and Helffrich erected the [[East Penn Forge]] on the north side of the Blue Mountain in East Penn Township, Carbon County in 1828<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 722 </ref>. In 1830 Helffrich died<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 553</ref>, and his shares in the iron business were bought by Stephen Balliet two years later<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 722 </ref>. In 1837 Stephen Balliet purchased three thousand acres of land near the forge, built another furnace, and constructed additional housing for workers, bringing the total to eleven<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 722 </ref>. Stephen Balliet continued to operate the furnace until his death in 1854<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 553</ref>.

Balliet's came to Lehigh Valley around 1735. (page 6 Austin Matthews, Austin Ungerford; Histories of the Counties of Lehigh and Carbon, in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania)

Paulus Balliet was one of the first settlers along the Coplay Creek. He was born in Alsace, Germany in 1717 and came to America in 1738. He was the original landlord at Ballietsville. (page 511)

In 1816 the Ballietsville English School opened, which might indicate that the Balliet family had grown and attained enough money and influence to help establish an English school, which was unusual in that area since most schools in that area had instruction given in German. (page 73).

By the early 1800s the Balliet's were entering local politics, with Paull Balliet elected as commisioner in 1839 and Hiram Balliet elected commissioner in 1871. (page 50)

By 1854, L.B. Balliet graduated from the University of Pennsylvania as a physician, who returned to practice in the Lehigh Valley. (page 70)

Records seem to indicate that other Balliet's were physicians as well, since S.W. Balliet was a member of the Lehigh County Medical Society in 1865. (page 72)

In 1856 a planing-mill and lumber yard opened with the name Pretz, Balliet, Gausler & Co, which would indicate that a member of the Balliet family was involved in this business. (page 86)

In April 1856 a road was approved that went from Balliet's Furnace to Allentown, PA (page 278)

The original Balliet's Furnace was in operation in 1832 and was already being referred to as the "old Balliet furnace". It later became known as "old Lehigh Furnace." (page 279)

In 1853 Stephen Balliet, Stephen Balliet Jr. and Aaron Billiet, along with Benjamin Levan went into business together as Stephen Balliet & Co., to build and operate an iron furnace (page 504).

Paulus Balliet was one of the first settlers along the Coplay Creek. He was born in Alsace, Germany in 1717 and came to America in 1738. He was the original landlord at Ballietsville. (page 511)

https://explorepahistory.com/story.php?storyId=1-9-17&chapter=2#:~:text=By%201775%2C%20more%20than%202%2C000,Employees%20were%20a%20diverse%20lot.&text=Slaves%20were%20a%20minority%20of,slave%20owners%20in%20rural%20Pennsylvania.
In the Pennsylvania Iron Industry in general, iron plantations required workers with a broad range of skills. Founders kept the furnace in blast, molders cast the iron into products, and the colliers heated the wood to make the charcoal that kept the furnace going. Less skilled workers were the woodcutters and teamsters. Founders and molders were highly skilled workers, so they were usually hard to find and difficult to replace if they left. (Source above: ExplorePAHistory.com)

==Stephen Balliet==
In 1853 [[Stephen Balliet (1809-1860)]], his brother [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]], his brother-in-law [[Benjamin Levan (1806-1886)]], and his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] became incorporated to form Stephen Balliet & Co., beginning the Coplay Ironworks<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504</ref>.

Stephen Balliet married Maria Anna Bieber (1811-1832) in 1831<ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 2:49</ref>. They had a son together, Lewis Bieber Balliet (1832-1913). Stephen Balliet's wife died in April of 1832. Following her death, he married Elizabeth Huntzinger and together they had eleven children, five of whom survived into adulthood: Sarah, Emma, Fannie, Margaret, and Arabella<ref> Roberts et al. 1914, 2:49</ref>.

The Northampton Bank in Allentown, PA, chartered in 1814, began to fail in 1842 and shut its doors. The bank reopened in 1843<ref>Mathews and Hungerford, 145</ref>, and Stephen Balliet was elected as the president of the bank on June 5 of that year<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 146</ref>.

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
* Hellerich, Mahlon Howard. 1987. ''A History of Allentown: 1861-1865.'' In Allentown 1762-1987: A 225-Year History, edited by Mahlon Howard Hellerich, 91–180. Allentown, PA: Lehigh County Historical Society.

* Mathews, Alfred, and Austin N. Hungerford. 1884. ''History of the Counties of Lehigh and Carbon, in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.'' Philadelphia: Everts & Richards.

*Roberts, Charles Rhoads, John Baer Stoudt, Thomas H. Krick, and William J. Dietrich. 1914. ''History of Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, and a Genealogical and Biographical Record of Its Families.'' Vol. I, Allentown, PA: Lehigh Valley Publishing Company, Limited.

*Roberts, Charles Rhoads, John Baer Stoudt, Thomas H. Krick, and William J. Dietrich. 1914. ''History of Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, and a Genealogical and Biographical Record of Its Families.'' Vol. II, Allentown, PA: Lehigh Valley Publishing Company, Limited.

The Balliet Family

2020-10-12T23:48:57Z

Ajroberts2021:

This page gives context to the activities of the Balliet family's iron-producing activities in the mid 1800s. More information on these individuals can be found on their respective pages.

==Founded Establishments==

In 1816, the Ballietsville English school was established. <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 73 </ref>

==Aaron Balliet==
In 1837 [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]] erected a charcoal furnace in Carbon County and operated it for twenty years before relocating to Ballietsville<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 505</ref>. Aaron Balliet, his brother [[Stephen Balliet (1809-1860)]], his brother-in-law [[Benjamin Levan (1806-1886)]], and his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] became incorporated to form Stephen Balliet & Co., with the purpose of building iron furnaces<ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 1:633</ref>. In 1854 his father died and the company admitted new partners and became the [[Lehigh Valley Iron Company]] <ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 1:633</ref>. In 1879, after various financial hardships, the company reincorporated as the Coplay Iron Company, with Aaron Balliet serving as a director of the company<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504 </ref>. Aaron Balliet also managed mines with his brothers [[Paul Balliet (1811-1886)]] and [[John Balliet (1819-1886)]].

==Benjamin Levan==
[[Benjamin Levan (1806-1886)]] was married to Maria Balliet, daughter of [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]]<ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 2:51-54</ref>. Levan became the superintendent of the [[Lehigh Furnace]] in Washington Township, PA, a position that he held for twenty-eight years<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504 </ref>. Benjamin Levan later moved to Whitehall Township, where he was integral in establishing the furnace at the [[Lehigh Valley Iron Company]]. He remained with the company for thirty years serving as secretary, treasurer, superintendent, and general manager<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504 </ref>.

==John Balliet==
[[John Balliet (1819-1886)]] worked at the [[Lehigh Furnace]], which was owned by his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]]<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 555</ref>. He later became the co-owner, alongside his brothers [[Paul Balliet (1811-1886)]] and [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]], and superintendent of said property<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 555</ref>. John Balliet moved to East Penn Township and became the superintendent of the [[East Penn Furnace]], which was later partially destroyed by floods<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 556</ref>. John Balliet rebuilt, leased, and successfully ran the furnace for many years. He also built and opened a store in 1872 <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 767-768</ref>.

==Paul Balliet==
[[Paul Balliet (1811-1886)]] managed a furnace that his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] owned. Along with his brothers [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]] and [[John Balliet (1819-1886)]], Paul Balliet became involved in a mining enterprise in North Whitehall.

==Stephen Balliet==
In 1826 [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] and Samuel Helffrich bought the land upon which the [[Lehigh Furnace]] would be built, purchasing twenty-five acres at the southern foot of the Blue Mountain from Christian Snyder and Christian Bloss<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 553 </ref>. Stephen Balliet and Helffrich erected the [[East Penn Forge]] on the north side of the Blue Mountain in East Penn Township, Carbon County in 1828<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 722 </ref>. In 1830 Helffrich died<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 553</ref>, and his shares in the iron business were bought by Stephen Balliet two years later<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 722 </ref>. In 1837 Stephen Balliet purchased three thousand acres of land near the forge, built another furnace, and constructed additional housing for workers, bringing the total to eleven<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 722 </ref>. Stephen Balliet continued to operate the furnace until his death in 1854<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 553</ref>.

Balliet's came to Lehigh Valley around 1735. (page 6 Austin Matthews, Austin Ungerford; Histories of the Counties of Lehigh and Carbon, in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania)

Paulus Balliet was one of the first settlers along the Coplay Creek. He was born in Alsace, Germany in 1717 and came to America in 1738. He was the original landlord at Ballietsville. (page 511)

In 1816 the Ballietsville English School opened, which might indicate that the Balliet family had grown and attained enough money and influence to help establish an English school, which was unusual in that area since most schools in that area had instruction given in German. (page 73).

By the early 1800s the Balliet's were entering local politics, with Paull Balliet elected as commisioner in 1839 and Hiram Balliet elected commissioner in 1871. (page 50)

By 1854, L.B. Balliet graduated from the University of Pennsylvania as a physician, who returned to practice in the Lehigh Valley. (page 70)

Records seem to indicate that other Balliet's were physicians as well, since S.W. Balliet was a member of the Lehigh County Medical Society in 1865. (page 72)

In 1856 a planing-mill and lumber yard opened with the name Pretz, Balliet, Gausler & Co, which would indicate that a member of the Balliet family was involved in this business. (page 86)

In April 1856 a road was approved that went from Balliet's Furnace to Allentown, PA (page 278)

The original Balliet's Furnace was in operation in 1832 and was already being referred to as the "old Balliet furnace". It later became known as "old Lehigh Furnace." (page 279)

In 1853 Stephen Balliet, Stephen Balliet Jr. and Aaron Billiet, along with Benjamin Levan went into business together as Stephen Balliet & Co., to build and operate an iron furnace (page 504).

Paulus Balliet was one of the first settlers along the Coplay Creek. He was born in Alsace, Germany in 1717 and came to America in 1738. He was the original landlord at Ballietsville. (page 511)

https://explorepahistory.com/story.php?storyId=1-9-17&chapter=2#:~:text=By%201775%2C%20more%20than%202%2C000,Employees%20were%20a%20diverse%20lot.&text=Slaves%20were%20a%20minority%20of,slave%20owners%20in%20rural%20Pennsylvania.
In the Pennsylvania Iron Industry in general, iron plantations required workers with a broad range of skills. Founders kept the furnace in blast, molders cast the iron into products, and the colliers heated the wood to make the charcoal that kept the furnace going. Less skilled workers were the woodcutters and teamsters. Founders and molders were highly skilled workers, so they were usually hard to find and difficult to replace if they left. (Source above: ExplorePAHistory.com)

==Stephen Balliet==
In 1853 [[Stephen Balliet (1809-1860)]], his brother [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]], his brother-in-law [[Benjamin Levan (1806-1886)]], and his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] became incorporated to form Stephen Balliet & Co., beginning the Coplay Ironworks<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504</ref>.

Stephen Balliet married Maria Anna Bieber (1811-1832) in 1831<ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 2:49</ref>. They had a son together, Lewis Bieber Balliet (1832-1913). Stephen Balliet's wife died in April of 1832. Following her death, he married Elizabeth Huntzinger and together they had eleven children, five of whom survived into adulthood: Sarah, Emma, Fannie, Margaret, and Arabella<ref> Roberts et al. 1914, 2:49</ref>.

The Northampton Bank in Allentown, PA, chartered in 1814, began to fail in 1842 and shut its doors. The bank reopened in 1843<ref>Mathews and Hungerford, 145</ref>, and Stephen Balliet was elected as the president of the bank on June 5 of that year<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 146</ref>.

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
* Hellerich, Mahlon Howard. 1987. ''A History of Allentown: 1861-1865.'' In Allentown 1762-1987: A 225-Year History, edited by Mahlon Howard Hellerich, 91–180. Allentown, PA: Lehigh County Historical Society.

* Mathews, Alfred, and Austin N. Hungerford. 1884. ''History of the Counties of Lehigh and Carbon, in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.'' Philadelphia: Everts & Richards.

*Roberts, Charles Rhoads, John Baer Stoudt, Thomas H. Krick, and William J. Dietrich. 1914. ''History of Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, and a Genealogical and Biographical Record of Its Families.'' Vol. I, Allentown, PA: Lehigh Valley Publishing Company, Limited.

*Roberts, Charles Rhoads, John Baer Stoudt, Thomas H. Krick, and William J. Dietrich. 1914. ''History of Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, and a Genealogical and Biographical Record of Its Families.'' Vol. II, Allentown, PA: Lehigh Valley Publishing Company, Limited.

Bernhard Fernow (1851-1923)

2020-10-06T05:12:47Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Yield of Wood and When to Cut It */

=Background=

Bernhard Fernow was born in the Prussian Province of Posen. In Prussia, Fernow spent a year in the Prussian forest service prior to studying at the University of Königsberg and the Royal Prussian Academy of Forestry at Münden(Fernow wiki). He emigrated to the Unites States in 1876 after marrying his wife Olivia Reynolds, who actively helped him in many of his later projects. Fernow worked various jobs up until 1878.During the year of 1878 he got the opportunity to manage 15,000 acres of woods in Pennsylvania which was primarily used to obtain charcoal. In 1886, Fernow was named the third Chief of the USDA's Division of Forestry of the United States until 1898.
During his time as Chief his main policy goals were the establishment of a national forest system and introduction of scientific forest management. Fernow produced many scientific reports while working toward the creation of national forests to protect watersheds. During the 1893 Chicago World's Fair Fernow helped produce forestry exhibits that helped generate public support for the establishment of a Prussian inspired national forest ssystem in the United States<ref>Twight, B.W. 1990. Bernhard Fernow and Prussian forestry in America. [[Journal of Forestry|J For]] 88(2):21-25</ref>. As the head if the USDA's Forestry Division Fernow helped create the Forest Reserve Act of 1891 and the Organic Act of 1897. After his time as Chief of the USDA's Division of Forestry, Fernow became the first dean of the New York State College of Forestry at Cornell. This was the first four-year forestry school in the United States however Fernow's time as dean of the school was not particularly fruitful. The program was shut down in 1903 by the New York State government as the program was unpopular due to its clear-cutting and the fires it caused<ref>Charles Z. Lincoln, ed. (1910) ''Messages from the Governors'', vol. X, Albany, p. 555, cited in Colman, Gould P. (1963) ''Education & Agriculture, A History of the NYS College of Agriculture at Cornell University'', Cornell University Press, p.161.</ref><ref>Gove, B. 2005. Logging railroads of the Adirondacks. Syracuse University Press. pp. 176-181.</ref>. During this same time many wildfires were happening due to the sparks from locomotive stacks landing on log stashes. Louis Marshall, an American constitution and civil-rights lawyer, branded locomotives as an "instrument of arson"<ref>Angus, Christopher.The extraordinary Adirondack journey of Clarence Petty: wilderness guide, pilot, and conservationist, p.17</ref>. Bernhard Fernow was aware of this, but continued to build a controversial railroad system that was 6 miles long and was used to transport wood. In 1907 Bernhard Fernow became the founding dean of the University of Toronto's Faculty of Forestry, this was Canadas first university school devoted to forest fire. To date, Fernow is known to be called the "father of professional forestry in the United States."

=Waste Places=
Fernow noticed that the bulk of American papers that recommended methods for planting forests did not account for places with poor growing conditions. Fernow deemed these places "Waste Places" and these locations were typically places with inadequate soil structure or had problems with water. Fernow believed it was important to learn how to properly "forest" these areas because the interests of agriculture will ultimately confine forests to these places<ref>Fernow 1883, 153-154</ref>.

One of Fernow’s writings, “Planting in Waste Places,” describes the conditions in which land needs to be in, in order to produce the most successful forest. According to Fernow, plots of land that are too arid like prairie’s don't serve much and land that is too wet won’t produce any good crop. He then goes on to describe an instrument that is extremely helpful in planting millions of young pines every year. This tool is made up of two parts: a shoe made of iron with one rounded and one flat side, tapering towards the end, in shape like a half cone, so that two of these shoes placed together, with the flat sides, would represent a perfect cone. The second part is located in the center where there is a threaded hole to receive the handle, which consists of a five-eighths inch rod, three and one- half feet long, with a squarely set wood shaft 155-156</ref>. At first glance the tool resembles a carrot dangling by a rope on a piece of wood. It is used by throwing the iron cone into the ground where the plant is to stand. A hole is made by moving the cone back and forth.

According to Bernhard Fernow, a waste place is an area that will not grow grass or any other crop. (Hough 153).

Fernow describes waste Places are unusable because they are either stony, too wet or too dry. Wet locations do not drain well enough, and dry areas can be too sandy for agricultural use. (Hough 153)

It is Fernow's belief that by encouraging tree growth in these areas, they can, in time, become improved enough and will gain value and be able to grow crops. (Hough 153)

=Yield of Wood and When to Cut It=
According to Fernow, the weight of charcoal, if properly prepared and housed, is practically a constant factor, since most charcoal is not used fresh, but rather used after weeks when it has absorbed almost all amounts of moisture (up to 10 to 15 per cent)<ref>Bernhard, 1882, 21</ref>.
Fernow believed that low yield of charcoal were due to how the woodcutters used specific types of wood and the length of the sticks they cut. (Fernow, Charcoal Iron Workers, p. 19)

Fernow characterized wood as "log-wood", "billets" and "brush" wood. (Fernow, Charcoal Iron Workers, p. 20)

Fernow believed that charcoal should be sold by weight, not by the bushel since it had a relatively consistent weight. (Fernow, Charcoal Iron Workers, p. 21)

Fernow addressed the idea of the best age for cutting the wood involved mathematical calculation along with knowledge of the forest. This knowledge of the forest would mean knowing when wood had hit its peak and had just started to decline (Fernow, Charcoal Iron Workers, p. 22) .
Fernow noted that For the Prairie States, American papers for planting forests, presuppose that the ground to be planted is arable, or at least workable with the spade<ref>Fernow 1883, 153</ref>

=Notes=

=References=
Fernow, Bernhard E. 1883. “Planting in Waste Places.” The American Journal of Forestry, January, 153–55.
Fernow, Bernhard E. 1882. “The Yield of Wood and When to Cut It.” Journal of the United States Association of Charcoal Iron Workers 3 (1): 19–26.

Bernhard Fernow (1851-1923)

2020-10-06T05:12:37Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Yield of Wood and When to Cut It */

Bernhard Fernow (1851-1923)

2020-10-06T05:11:40Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Yield of Wood and When to Cut It */

=Background=

Bernhard Fernow was born in the Prussian Province of Posen. In Prussia, Fernow spent a year in the Prussian forest service prior to studying at the University of Königsberg and the Royal Prussian Academy of Forestry at Münden(Fernow wiki). He emigrated to the Unites States in 1876 after marrying his wife Olivia Reynolds, who actively helped him in many of his later projects. Fernow worked various jobs up until 1878.During the year of 1878 he got the opportunity to manage 15,000 acres of woods in Pennsylvania which was primarily used to obtain charcoal. In 1886, Fernow was named the third Chief of the USDA's Division of Forestry of the United States until 1898.
During his time as Chief his main policy goals were the establishment of a national forest system and introduction of scientific forest management. Fernow produced many scientific reports while working toward the creation of national forests to protect watersheds. During the 1893 Chicago World's Fair Fernow helped produce forestry exhibits that helped generate public support for the establishment of a Prussian inspired national forest ssystem in the United States<ref>Twight, B.W. 1990. Bernhard Fernow and Prussian forestry in America. [[Journal of Forestry|J For]] 88(2):21-25</ref>. As the head if the USDA's Forestry Division Fernow helped create the Forest Reserve Act of 1891 and the Organic Act of 1897. After his time as Chief of the USDA's Division of Forestry, Fernow became the first dean of the New York State College of Forestry at Cornell. This was the first four-year forestry school in the United States however Fernow's time as dean of the school was not particularly fruitful. The program was shut down in 1903 by the New York State government as the program was unpopular due to its clear-cutting and the fires it caused<ref>Charles Z. Lincoln, ed. (1910) ''Messages from the Governors'', vol. X, Albany, p. 555, cited in Colman, Gould P. (1963) ''Education & Agriculture, A History of the NYS College of Agriculture at Cornell University'', Cornell University Press, p.161.</ref><ref>Gove, B. 2005. Logging railroads of the Adirondacks. Syracuse University Press. pp. 176-181.</ref>. During this same time many wildfires were happening due to the sparks from locomotive stacks landing on log stashes. Louis Marshall, an American constitution and civil-rights lawyer, branded locomotives as an "instrument of arson"<ref>Angus, Christopher.The extraordinary Adirondack journey of Clarence Petty: wilderness guide, pilot, and conservationist, p.17</ref>. Bernhard Fernow was aware of this, but continued to build a controversial railroad system that was 6 miles long and was used to transport wood. In 1907 Bernhard Fernow became the founding dean of the University of Toronto's Faculty of Forestry, this was Canadas first university school devoted to forest fire. To date, Fernow is known to be called the "father of professional forestry in the United States."

=Waste Places=
Fernow noticed that the bulk of American papers that recommended methods for planting forests did not account for places with poor growing conditions. Fernow deemed these places "Waste Places" and these locations were typically places with inadequate soil structure or had problems with water. Fernow believed it was important to learn how to properly "forest" these areas because the interests of agriculture will ultimately confine forests to these places<ref>Fernow 1883, 153-154</ref>.

One of Fernow’s writings, “Planting in Waste Places,” describes the conditions in which land needs to be in, in order to produce the most successful forest. According to Fernow, plots of land that are too arid like prairie’s don't serve much and land that is too wet won’t produce any good crop. He then goes on to describe an instrument that is extremely helpful in planting millions of young pines every year. This tool is made up of two parts: a shoe made of iron with one rounded and one flat side, tapering towards the end, in shape like a half cone, so that two of these shoes placed together, with the flat sides, would represent a perfect cone. The second part is located in the center where there is a threaded hole to receive the handle, which consists of a five-eighths inch rod, three and one- half feet long, with a squarely set wood shaft 155-156</ref>. At first glance the tool resembles a carrot dangling by a rope on a piece of wood. It is used by throwing the iron cone into the ground where the plant is to stand. A hole is made by moving the cone back and forth.

According to Bernhard Fernow, a waste place is an area that will not grow grass or any other crop. (Hough 153).

Fernow describes waste Places are unusable because they are either stony, too wet or too dry. Wet locations do not drain well enough, and dry areas can be too sandy for agricultural use. (Hough 153)

It is Fernow's belief that by encouraging tree growth in these areas, they can, in time, become improved enough and will gain value and be able to grow crops. (Hough 153)

=Yield of Wood and When to Cut It=
According to Fernow, the weight of charcoal, if properly prepared and housed, is practically a constant factor, since most charcoal is not used fresh, but rather used after weeks when it has absorbed almost all amounts of moisture (up to 10 to 15 per cent)<ref>Bernhard, 1882, 21</ref>.
Fernow believed that low yield of charcoal were due to how the woodcutters used specific types of wood and the length of the sticks they cut. (Fernow, Charcoal Iron Workers, p. 19)

Fernow characterized wood as "log-wood", "billets" and "brush" wood. (Fernow, Charcoal Iron Workers, p. 20)

Fernow believed that charcoal should be sold by weight, not by the bushel since it had a relatively consistent weight. (Fernow, Charcoal Iron Workers, p. 21)

Fernow addressed the idea of the best age for cutting the wood involved mathematical calculation along with knowledge of the forest. This knowledge of the forest would mean knowing when wood had hit its peak and had just started to decline (Fernow, Charcoal Iron Workers, p. 22) .
Fernow noted that For the Prairie States, American papers for planting forests, presuppose that the ground to be planted is arable, or at least workable with the spade

=Notes=

=References=
Fernow, Bernhard E. 1883. “Planting in Waste Places.” The American Journal of Forestry, January, 153–55.
Fernow, Bernhard E. 1882. “The Yield of Wood and When to Cut It.” Journal of the United States Association of Charcoal Iron Workers 3 (1): 19–26.

Iron production

2020-10-01T14:46:22Z

Ajroberts2021: /* The Furnace */

Iron production converts iron ore into pig iron through a process known as [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Smelting smelting]. Early on in the history of iron production in the United States, most furnaces used charcoal as fuel; so [[charcoal production]] and iron production were often closely linked. In fact Charcoal was the only fuel for iron production until the 1830s when the industry began a slow
transition toward the use coal as fuel<ref>Straka 2014, 104</ref>. Ironworks were some of the first and most enduring examples of industry in the United States. Remnants of ironworks can still be found, especially in rural parts of the country<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>.

==History==
In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, small-scale metalworking operations produced everyday objects, such as kitchenware, toys, building materials, and tools<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. During wartime, cannons and other military weaponry were cast at furnaces<ref>Swank 1884, 35</ref>. Iron plantations were typically in rural communities and often included forges, housing for workers, woodlands for charcoal production, and a sawmill<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. Bloomeries were early centers of limited iron production. In a bloomery, the iron oxides in ore were reduced to metal and were then separated from the gangue in the ore. The fire created liquid slag and burning charcoal produced carbon dioxide, which reduced the oxide to metallic iron<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. Blast furnaces were also used for larger-scale iron production. These furnaces could be twenty to thirty feet in height and had hollow centers into which were placed ore, fuel, and flux<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. Bellows were powered by a water wheel, and melted iron and liquid slag accumulated in the bottom of the furnace<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. By the nineteenth century, blast furnaces were the most commonly used type of furnace<ref>McVarish 2008, 266</ref>.

Late in the nineteenth century, the Lehigh Valley was second only to Pittsburgh, PA in the yearly value of iron products in the iron districts of the entire country and was ranked first in pig iron districts<ref>Swank 1884, 34</ref>. The Lehigh Valley had fifty anthracite coal furnaces, of which the Bethlehem Iron Company owned six<ref>Swank 1884, 34</ref>.

In 1850 all of the ironworks in Eastern Pennsylvania were accounted for. In Lehigh County there were six anthracite blast furnaces that were in blast and one that was out of blast. There was one hot blast charcoal furnace that was out of blast and one cold blast charcoal furnace that was out of blast. There were no forges and no rolling mills. In Carbon County there was one anthracite blast furnace in blast and one not in blast. There was one hot blast charcoal furnace in blast and one out of blast. There were no cold blast charcoal furnaces. There were four bloomeries, two forges, and no rolling mills<ref>Convention of Iron Masters 1850, 135</ref>.

Iron has been used since primitive times, when it was discovered that iron ore heated would turn into a material that could be reheated and hammered to make useful objects. (McVarish p. 259).While a charcoal kiln site can be identified by brick or stone artifacts, it is harder to identify a charcoal mounds because it was made of wood and dirt. (McVarish 263)

==Iron Communities==
Self-sufficient communities, called iron plantations, were built around these furnaces. Many workers were needed to run an iron plantation, including colliers, miners, woodcutters, molders, founders, patternmakers, and their helpers. In Pennsylvania, Hopewell Furnace employed roughly two hundred to two hundred fifty people during the nineteenth century. Workers at iron plantations would often bring their families along with them. Considering this, the community at Hopewell Furnace would have consisted of about six hundred people<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. The lands of iron plantations included housing, gristmills and sawmills, farming land, and vast amounts of woodland, as well as barns, company stores, spring-houses, blacksmiths, schools, churches, carpenter's shops, forges, casting houses, charcoal storage, and many other buildings<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. Iron production required over a hundred acres of woodlands per year<ref>Straka 2014, 105</ref>.

In the 18th and 19th centuries there would have been hundreds of iron furnaces, and each town most likely had a blacksmith and forge. (McVarish p. 259)
Charcoal mounds and kilns were located as close to the wood source as possible, since wood was heavier to move than the charcoal so they were not usually near roads, but were on the sides of hills. (McVarish, p. 263)
Ironmakers hammer or roll the wrought iron to fit the buyer's preference, which might include bars, rods or sheets. (McVarish, p. 278)

==Fuel==
Prior to the 1830s, every furnace in the US burned charcoal as fuel. Charcoal was used because it could be produced in large quantities, it burns hotter than wood, and it is almost pure carbon, so it reduces impurities in iron produced<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. To make charcoal, a variety of methods were used including hearths and kilns. Hearths were generally used in the pre-Civil War period and involved burning wood in earth-covered mounds. These hearths produced weak charcoal that would crumble easily<ref>McVarish 2008, 262</ref>. Charcoal kilns were made of brick and were more efficient. They also created more durable charcoal than hearths, which yielded charcoal that was more brittle<ref>McVarish 2008, 262</ref>. Kiln remains vary greatly. Smaller remains are usually those of farm kilns, which can be found at the base of hills with roads nearby, while larger remains oriented with a square stone base and occasional steel shells surrounding the base are commercial kilns, and usually placed near railroads. Commercial kiln locations can be found on historical maps from the nineteenth and early twentieth century<ref>McVarish 2008, 265</ref>. Early finers had to use about to 2 to 3 pounds of charcoal in order to produce a pound of iron<ref>McVarish 2008, 268</ref>.Around the 1860s, coal and coke began to replace charcoal in some areas<ref>McVarish 2008, 267</ref>; but overall, iron production increased so much that the use of charcoal continued to rise until 1890. Around the same time perpetual kilns were introduced. These kilns can be characterized by three types of operation, mixed feed, separate-feed, and rotary kilns. Mix feed kilns were the most difficult to manage, the limestone and fuel had to be fed in alternative layers. When running favorable these kilns were the most economically favorable. The next type of kiln is the separate feed kiln. These became the first modern lime kiln which use limestone and fuel not in direct contact. The last type is rotary kilns. These kilns required that the limestone be crushed fairly small and even. One downside for rotary kilns is that they use a lot of fuel<ref>Straka 2014, 264</ref>. The last charcoal-powered furnace in the United States was in blast until 1945<ref>Straka 2014, 104</ref>.
Charcoal pits produced weak charcoal that would easily crumble when it was put in the blast furnace, while charcoal kilns produced more durable charcoal (McVarish p. 262)

Prior to the advent of puddling furnaces coal was never a viable option for iron production because it would contaminate the metal with sulfur <ref>McVarish, 2008, 269</ref>.

==Operation==
Furnace efficiency varied within the industry; the type of ore, equipment used, region, charcoal quality, and furnace type contributed to this<ref>Straka 2014, 105</ref>. [[Ironworks]] had to be near water and sources of raw materials such as charcoal,
limestone, and iron ore<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. Colonial ironworks used a variety of techniques to produce iron.

===Bloomery===
A bloomery was a small operation that heated iron ore to refine and shape it, which produced wrought iron<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. Bloomeries needed simple equipment like a hearth, bellows, and tools for manipulating the iron<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. They had to simultaneously accomplish two tasks: reducing the iron oxides in the ore to metal, and also to separate the metal from the gangue in the ore<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. Bloomeries were common in colonial America, specifically in Massachusetts, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. They operated between the seventeenth and twentieth centuries. Some disadvantages of bloomeries included limited production, wasted heat, and an inability to completely separate the iron from slag<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. Because bloomeries were a small operation, they created limited production. A bloomery could be able to supply a small blacksmith with what they need to satisfy local customers but never enough to satisfy a market.<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref> A bloomery cannot run continuously like blast furnace and because when the bloomer had to remove the loup from the hearth, thermal energy was wasted.<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>.

Iron ore after it was heated became wrought iron, and the slabs of wrought iron were called blooms (McVarish p. 259).

===Blast Furnace===
The introduction of the blast furnaces addressed many of the disadvantages of bloomeries. Blast furnaces had the ability to run continuously for months at at time, conserve heat, and produce a much greater output. A blast furnace would have been constructed in a dry location that was not prone to flooding<ref>Overman 1854, 153</ref>. After establishing a location that fit this criteria, the ground would be excavated to ensure that it could support the weight of the stack<ref>Overman 1854, 153-154</ref>. The foundation for the furnace would be constructed so that an additional foot of foundation would extend past the base of the furnace in all directions<ref>Overman 1854, 154</ref>. Blast furnaces were vertical, hollow structures, the top of which would be loaded with ore, fuel, and flux. The bottom had air vents and a hole for the molten iron to run out. Blast furnaces tended to be constructed twenty-five to thirty feet high when they first came into use, and eventually grew to be thirty-two to forty feet high during the nineteenth century with a conical shape on top<ref>McVarish 2008, 262</ref>.

The blast furnaces had very thick stone walls with fire-resistant interior lining. A layer between the lining and outer stones — usually made of clay or smaller stones — provided better insulation and allowed the inner walls to expand slightly when heated<ref>McVarish 2008, 262</ref>. The outer wall was generally constructed of any stone, often granite, grauwach (a dark coarsegrained sedimentary stone), or slate<ref>McVarish 2008, 266</ref>. The inner walls of the furnace were essential to build adequately as it had to stand up to high heat over long periods of time. The hearths in the blast furnaces were typically constructed from sandstone<ref>Overman 1854, 183-184</ref>. Bellows, which pumped air into the furnace to feed the flames, were often powered by waterwheels, equal to about twenty horsepower. By adjusting ventilation, the temperature inside blast furnaces could be controlled to a degree. Blast furnaces were loaded from the top and therefore were often located along hillsides. When the molten iron was ready to be collected, or tapped, a smaller hole at the top was opened to allow the liquid slag, which sat on top of the iron because it was lighter, to be drawn away. After the slag was collected, the main plug was pulled, and the molten iron ran into sand molds. The iron produced in blast furnaces is called pig iron because the final product resembles piglets suckling on their mother. After the iron ran into the molds and was cooled, the "pigs" were broken off the "sows." These smaller pieces were more valuable than the metal in the runners which would need to be remelted<ref>McVarish 2008, 265</ref>. In Pennsylvania, furnaces made roughly ten to twenty-five tons of pig iron or castings per week, with the latter amount rarely being attained<ref>Swank 1884, 35</ref>. By the nineteenth century, the reduction of iron took place almost exclusively in blast furnaces.
A blast furnace was filled with three materials, iron ore, charcoal and limestone. Iron ore could be found in bogs and deposits near the ground. (McVarish, p. 260)By the early 20th century, iron furnaces started using coke and coal instead of charcoal. (McVarish, p. 267) Charcoal and early coke furnaces were similar in construction, the only differences were that coke furnaces generally were larger and required a higher pressure blast<ref>McVarish 2008, 268</ref>.

==The Fining Process==
The Fining Process was brought to the United States in the seventeenth-century. Finer workers would melt pig iron and allow the carbon to oxidize. The iron gathered into a mass called a loup and was then hammered until the slag was removed<ref>McVarish 2008, 268</ref>. These early iron masters had to use charcoal as their main source of fuel as no effective way to use coal as a fuel had been developed yet<ref>McVarish 2008, 268</ref>. For each pound of iron produced a finer had to burn about 2 to 3 pounds of charcoal for fuel<ref>McVarish 2008, 268</ref>.
===Walloon Process===
The Walloon Process was the original fining technique. The Walloon Process involved pushing a pig of iron into a hearth full of charcoal at a downward angle to melt it, working it into a loup, and hammering it to expel slag. The melted metal was then collected from the bottom of the hearth and brought it into the air blast<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. This air blast came about through the tuyere, a nozzle usually constructed of iron<ref>McVarish, 2008, 285</ref>. From here the finer kept the metal in the air blast until they were convinced that all the silicon and carbon had already oxidized <ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. It was after the oxidation that the metal was worked into a loup and then hammered to remove the slag<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. Occasionally the loup was reheated during the hammering process<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. The Walloon Process required a lot of air to heat the flames and the quality of wrought iron produced was heavily dependent on the skill of the workers making it<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>.

===Lancashire (Charcoal Hearth) Process===
The Lancashire Process, which was developed in Sweden, involved moving the pig iron through the hottest part of a flame to burn off impurities and allowing the melted iron to accumulate at the bottom. Workers would then lift the iron, cut into it, and force slag in to oxidize what impurities remained. The iron was then broken up, remelted, and formed into a loup via hammering. The Lancashire Process reused heat from the flames to preheat air being pumped in by the bellows, making it more heat-efficient than the Walloon Process<ref>McVarish 2008, 268-269</ref>.

In the United States this process was referred to as the "Charcoal Hearth Process"<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. The firing hearth stood at about 4 feet tall and was comprised of water-cooled cast-iron pipes<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. This method of iron production made purer iron than that of the Walloon process as the iron from the Lancashire process contained less carbon and slag <ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>.

===Puddling===
Puddling was a larger scale way to produce wrought iron than a finery that was able to use mineral coals instead of charcoal. To prevent impurities from the coal from contaminating the iron, puddling placed the coal in an adjacent chamber to the iron, where most of the heat reached the iron by reflecting off the ceiling. This is where the name "puddling" comes from<ref>McVarish 2008, 269</ref>. Puddlers could handle three times as much iron as a finer, up to six hundred pounds at a time. Workers would push any solidifying clumps of iron under the surface of the molten mix so they would not oxidize. After most of the impurities had oxidized, a worker would split the iron into three lumps, which would be pressed by a machine called a squeezer to remove the remaining liquid slag<ref>McVarish 2008, 270</ref>. The bosh of the furnace was typically constructed from soapstone in Pennsylvania<ref> Overman 1854, 273</ref>.

===Forging===
Forging produced wrought iron using blooms and rods by effectively hammering. Large hammers between fifty and four hundred pounds could be used; lighter hammers typically produced smaller things. Forging hammers were later automated by the waterwheel and steam power. If the motive
power was water, a waterwheel was directly fastened to the shaft. If the motive power was steam, a flywheel was attached and the power conveyed by leather straps or belt<ref>McVarish 2008, 270</ref>. With these processes, the automated hammer could strike up to two hundred and fifty times per minute with around 50 pounds of force<ref>McVarish 2008, 271</ref>.

A finer would burn about 2 to 3 pounds of charcoal for every pound of iron made. (McVarish, p. 268)
Artisans found that iron and steel were easier to mold when hot. For a more efficient use, English engineers created a looping mill to better mold the iron and steel. <ref>McVarish 2008, 280</ref>

==The Furnace==
The upper portion of the furnace was conical in shape. The walls had an inner and outer layer; the outer was usually made of granite or slate, while the inner was usually made of sandstone or firebrick because of these substances' durability to withstand high temperatures<ref>McVarish 2008, 266</ref>. Between the two walls was an eight-inch space filled with stone chips or broken cinder-blocks. This space allowed the inner wall to expand and contract comfortably without bursting the outer wall. The area where workers would empty wheelbarrows full of iron ore was called the "trunnel head" or "throat." The opening above the hearth of the shaft below the trunnel head was called the bosh, which supported the furnace burden while funneling the molten slag<ref>McVarish 2008, 266</ref>. The taper of the shaft, bosh, and crucible was entirely dependent on the type of ore smelted, charcoal quality, and what quality of iron was desired as the finished product. In the United States, a straight, uniform forty to fifty foot stack was needed when hydrates and oxides of iron were smelted. Heat-exchanges, or hot blast stoves, were installed in the nineteenth century to increase efficiency. By the early twentieth century, the iron furnaces were forced to change due to the moving times. They grew to be about eighty feet tall; the shape and proportion of the hearth and bosh and the addition of a bellhopper to the trunnel head allowed for the use of new materials<ref>McVarish 2008, 267</ref>.
As coke-burning furnaces were built, the demand for charcoal declined. The transition to coke fuel caused some modifications to the furnaces's structure<ref>McVarish 2008, 267</ref>. Coke powered furnaces were typically taller and and had higher blast pressure than their charcoal counterparts<ref>McVarish 2008, 267</ref>.. There were approximately 500 in the 1860s, but by 1900 there were less than 50. (McVarish p. 263) Americans left the English practice by adopting gas fired furnaces soon as they started making crucible steel.<ref>McVarish 2008, 271</ref>

==Workers==
There were several different positions that could be held within the iron works. The [[Lives of Workers]] varied as working at the furnace required people of numerous skill sets, resulting in different pay levels and hours worked<ref>Walker 1966, 229</ref>. The furnaces needed managers, clerks, molders, teamsters<ref>Walker 1966, 231</ref>, blacksmiths<ref>Walker 1966, 237</ref>, woodcutters<ref>Walker 1966, 238</ref>, colliers involved in [[charcoal production]], ironmasters<ref>Walker 1966, 248</ref>, and fillers<ref>Walker 1966, 235</ref>. Furnaces also required founders, who supervised the actual operation of the foundry. Founders typically made their way up the ranks to founder by beginning as a laborer, becoming a helper, then a keeper (assistant to the founder), and finally a founder<ref>Walker 1966, 232</ref>.

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
*Convention of Iron Masters. 1850. Documents Relating to the Manufacture of Iron in Pennsylvania. Philadelphia: General Committee. https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/000958393.

*McVarish, Douglas C. 2008. ''American Industrial Archaeology: A Field Guide.'' Walnut Creek, Calif.: Left Coast Press, Inc.

* Straka, T. J. 2014. ''Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters.'' Advances in Historical Studies, 3, 104-114. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2014.32010

* Swank, J. Moore. 1878. ''Introduction to a History of Ironmaking and Coal Mining in Pennsylvania.'' Philadelphia: Pub. by the author. https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc2.ark:/13960/t1ng4hm2j&view=2up&seq=40

** Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Iron production

2020-10-01T02:40:30Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Forging */

Iron production converts iron ore into pig iron through a process known as [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Smelting smelting]. Early on in the history of iron production in the United States, most furnaces used charcoal as fuel; so [[charcoal production]] and iron production were often closely linked. In fact Charcoal was the only fuel for iron production until the 1830s when the industry began a slow
transition toward the use coal as fuel<ref>Straka 2014, 104</ref>. Ironworks were some of the first and most enduring examples of industry in the United States. Remnants of ironworks can still be found, especially in rural parts of the country<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>.

==History==
In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, small-scale metalworking operations produced everyday objects, such as kitchenware, toys, building materials, and tools<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. During wartime, cannons and other military weaponry were cast at furnaces<ref>Swank 1884, 35</ref>. Iron plantations were typically in rural communities and often included forges, housing for workers, woodlands for charcoal production, and a sawmill<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. Bloomeries were early centers of limited iron production. In a bloomery, the iron oxides in ore were reduced to metal and were then separated from the gangue in the ore. The fire created liquid slag and burning charcoal produced carbon dioxide, which reduced the oxide to metallic iron<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. Blast furnaces were also used for larger-scale iron production. These furnaces could be twenty to thirty feet in height and had hollow centers into which were placed ore, fuel, and flux<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. Bellows were powered by a water wheel, and melted iron and liquid slag accumulated in the bottom of the furnace<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. By the nineteenth century, blast furnaces were the most commonly used type of furnace<ref>McVarish 2008, 266</ref>.

Late in the nineteenth century, the Lehigh Valley was second only to Pittsburgh, PA in the yearly value of iron products in the iron districts of the entire country and was ranked first in pig iron districts<ref>Swank 1884, 34</ref>. The Lehigh Valley had fifty anthracite coal furnaces, of which the Bethlehem Iron Company owned six<ref>Swank 1884, 34</ref>.

In 1850 all of the ironworks in Eastern Pennsylvania were accounted for. In Lehigh County there were six anthracite blast furnaces that were in blast and one that was out of blast. There was one hot blast charcoal furnace that was out of blast and one cold blast charcoal furnace that was out of blast. There were no forges and no rolling mills. In Carbon County there was one anthracite blast furnace in blast and one not in blast. There was one hot blast charcoal furnace in blast and one out of blast. There were no cold blast charcoal furnaces. There were four bloomeries, two forges, and no rolling mills<ref>Convention of Iron Masters 1850, 135</ref>.

Iron has been used since primitive times, when it was discovered that iron ore heated would turn into a material that could be reheated and hammered to make useful objects. (McVarish p. 259).While a charcoal kiln site can be identified by brick or stone artifacts, it is harder to identify a charcoal mounds because it was made of wood and dirt. (McVarish 263)

==Iron Communities==
Self-sufficient communities, called iron plantations, were built around these furnaces. Many workers were needed to run an iron plantation, including colliers, miners, woodcutters, molders, founders, patternmakers, and their helpers. In Pennsylvania, Hopewell Furnace employed roughly two hundred to two hundred fifty people during the nineteenth century. Workers at iron plantations would often bring their families along with them. Considering this, the community at Hopewell Furnace would have consisted of about six hundred people<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. The lands of iron plantations included housing, gristmills and sawmills, farming land, and vast amounts of woodland, as well as barns, company stores, spring-houses, blacksmiths, schools, churches, carpenter's shops, forges, casting houses, charcoal storage, and many other buildings<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. Iron production required over a hundred acres of woodlands per year<ref>Straka 2014, 105</ref>.

In the 18th and 19th centuries there would have been hundreds of iron furnaces, and each town most likely had a blacksmith and forge. (McVarish p. 259)
Charcoal mounds and kilns were located as close to the wood source as possible, since wood was heavier to move than the charcoal so they were not usually near roads, but were on the sides of hills. (McVarish, p. 263)
Ironmakers hammer or roll the wrought iron to fit the buyer's preference, which might include bars, rods or sheets. (McVarish, p. 278)

==Fuel==
Prior to the 1830s, every furnace in the US burned charcoal as fuel. Charcoal was used because it could be produced in large quantities, it burns hotter than wood, and it is almost pure carbon, so it reduces impurities in iron produced<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. To make charcoal, a variety of methods were used including hearths and kilns. Hearths were generally used in the pre-Civil War period and involved burning wood in earth-covered mounds. These hearths produced weak charcoal that would crumble easily<ref>McVarish 2008, 262</ref>. Charcoal kilns were made of brick and were more efficient. They also created more durable charcoal than hearths, which yielded charcoal that was more brittle<ref>McVarish 2008, 262</ref>. Kiln remains vary greatly. Smaller remains are usually those of farm kilns, which can be found at the base of hills with roads nearby, while larger remains oriented with a square stone base and occasional steel shells surrounding the base are commercial kilns, and usually placed near railroads. Commercial kiln locations can be found on historical maps from the nineteenth and early twentieth century<ref>McVarish 2008, 265</ref>. Early finers had to use about to 2 to 3 pounds of charcoal in order to produce a pound of iron<ref>McVarish 2008, 268</ref>.Around the 1860s, coal and coke began to replace charcoal in some areas<ref>McVarish 2008, 267</ref>; but overall, iron production increased so much that the use of charcoal continued to rise until 1890. Around the same time perpetual kilns were introduced. These kilns can be characterized by three types of operation, mixed feed, separate-feed, and rotary kilns. Mix feed kilns were the most difficult to manage, the limestone and fuel had to be fed in alternative layers. When running favorable these kilns were the most economically favorable. The next type of kiln is the separate feed kiln. These became the first modern lime kiln which use limestone and fuel not in direct contact. The last type is rotary kilns. These kilns required that the limestone be crushed fairly small and even. One downside for rotary kilns is that they use a lot of fuel<ref>Straka 2014, 264</ref>. The last charcoal-powered furnace in the United States was in blast until 1945<ref>Straka 2014, 104</ref>.
Charcoal pits produced weak charcoal that would easily crumble when it was put in the blast furnace, while charcoal kilns produced more durable charcoal (McVarish p. 262)

Prior to the advent of puddling furnaces coal was never a viable option for iron production because it would contaminate the metal with sulfur <ref>McVarish, 2008, 269</ref>.

==Operation==
Furnace efficiency varied within the industry; the type of ore, equipment used, region, charcoal quality, and furnace type contributed to this<ref>Straka 2014, 105</ref>. [[Ironworks]] had to be near water and sources of raw materials such as charcoal,
limestone, and iron ore<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. Colonial ironworks used a variety of techniques to produce iron.

===Bloomery===
A bloomery was a small operation that heated iron ore to refine and shape it, which produced wrought iron<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. Bloomeries needed simple equipment like a hearth, bellows, and tools for manipulating the iron. They had to simultaneously accomplish two tasks: reducing the iron oxides in the ore to metal, and also to separate the metal from the gangue in the ore<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. Bloomeries were common in colonial America, specifically in Massachusetts, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. They operated between the seventeenth and twentieth centuries. Some disadvantages of bloomeries included limited production, wasted heat, and an inability to completely separate the iron from slag<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. Because bloomeries were a small operation, they created limited production. A bloomery could be able to supply a small blacksmith with what they need to satisfy local customers but never enough to satisfy a market.<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref> A bloomery cannot run continuously like blast furnace and because when the bloomer had to remove the loup from the hearth, thermal energy was wasted.<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>.

Iron ore after it was heated became wrought iron, and the slabs of wrought iron were called blooms (McVarish p. 259).

===Blast Furnace===
Blast furnaces addressed many of the disadvantages of bloomeries, as blast furnaces could be run continuously for months at at time, conserved heat, and could produce much more iron. A blast furnace would have been constructed in a dry location that was not prone to flooding<ref>Overman 1854, 153</ref>. After establishing a location that fit this criteria, the ground would be excavated to ensure that it could support the weight of the stack<ref>Overman 1854, 153-154</ref>. The foundation for the furnace would be constructed so that an additional foot of foundation would extend past the base of the furnace in all directions<ref>Overman 1854, 154</ref>. Blast furnaces were vertical, hollow structures, the top of which would be loaded with ore, fuel, and flux. The bottom had air vents and a hole for the molten iron to run out. Blast furnaces tended to be constructed twenty-five to thirty feet high when they first came into use, and eventually grew to be thirty-two to forty feet high during the nineteenth century with a conical shape on top<ref>McVarish 2008, 262</ref>.

The blast furnaces had very thick stone walls with fire-resistant interior lining. A layer between the lining and outer stones — usually made of clay or smaller stones — provided better insulation and allowed the inner walls to expand slightly when heated<ref>McVarish 2008, 262</ref>. The outer wall was generally constructed of any stone, often granite, grauwach (a dark coarsegrained sedimentary stone), or slate<ref>McVarish 2008, 266</ref>. The inner walls of the furnace were essential to build adequately as it had to stand up to high heat over long periods of time. The hearths in the blast furnaces were typically constructed from sandstone<ref>Overman 1854, 183-184</ref>. Bellows, which pumped air into the furnace to feed the flames, were often powered by waterwheels, equal to about twenty horsepower. By adjusting ventilation, the temperature inside blast furnaces could be controlled to a degree. Blast furnaces were loaded from the top and therefore were often located along hillsides. When the molten iron was ready to be collected, or tapped, a smaller hole at the top was opened to allow the liquid slag, which sat on top of the iron because it was lighter, to be drawn away. After the slag was collected, the main plug was pulled, and the molten iron ran into sand molds. The iron produced in blast furnaces is called pig iron because the final product resembles piglets suckling on their mother. After the iron ran into the molds and was cooled, the "pigs" were broken off the "sows." These smaller pieces were more valuable than the metal in the runners which would need to be remelted<ref>McVarish 2008, 265</ref>. In Pennsylvania, furnaces made roughly ten to twenty-five tons of pig iron or castings per week, with the latter amount rarely being attained<ref>Swank 1884, 35</ref>. By the nineteenth century, the reduction of iron took place almost exclusively in blast furnaces.
A blast furnace was filled with three materials, iron ore, charcoal and limestone. Iron ore could be found in bogs and deposits near the ground. (McVarish, p. 260)By the early 20th century, iron furnaces started using coke and coal instead of charcoal. (McVarish, p. 267) Charcoal and early coke furnaces were similar in construction, the only differences were that coke furnaces generally were larger and required a higher pressure blast<ref>McVarish 2008, 268</ref>.

==The Fining Process==
The Fining Process was brought to the United States in the seventeenth-century. Finer workers would melt pig iron and allow the carbon to oxidize. The iron gathered into a mass called a loup and was then hammered until the slag was removed<ref>McVarish 2008, 268</ref>. These early iron masters had to use charcoal as their main source of fuel as no effective way to use coal as a fuel had been developed yet<ref>McVarish 2008, 268</ref>. For each pound of iron produced a finer had to burn about 2 to 3 pounds of charcoal for fuel<ref>McVarish 2008, 268</ref>.
===Walloon Process===
The Walloon Process was the original fining technique. The Walloon Process involved pushing a pig of iron into a hearth full of charcoal at a downward angle to melt it, working it into a loup, and hammering it to expel slag. The melted metal was then collected from the bottom of the hearth and brought it into the air blast<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. From here the finer kept the metal in the air blast until they were convince dthat all the silicon and carbon had already oxidized <ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. It was after the oxidation that the metal was worked into a loup and then hammered to remove the slag<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. Occasionally the loup was reheated during the hammering process<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. The Walloon Process required a lot of air to heat the flames and the quality of wrought iron produced was heavily dependent on the skill of the workers making it<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>.

===Lancashire (Charcoal Hearth) Process===
The Lancashire Process, which was developed in Sweden, involved moving the pig iron through the hottest part of a flame to burn off impurities and allowing the melted iron to accumulate at the bottom. Workers would then lift the iron, cut into it, and force slag in to oxidize what impurities remained. The iron was then broken up, remelted, and formed into a loup via hammering. The Lancashire Process reused heat from the flames to preheat air being pumped in by the bellows, making it more heat-efficient than the Walloon Process<ref>McVarish 2008, 268-269</ref>.

In the United States this process was referred to as the "Charcoal Hearth Process"<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. The firing hearth stood at about 4 feet tall and was comprised of water-cooled cast-iron pipes<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. This method of iron production made purer iron than that of the Walloon process as the iron from the Lancashire process contained less carbon and slag <ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>.

===Puddling===
Puddling was a larger scale way to produce wrought iron than a finery that was able to use mineral coals instead of charcoal. To prevent impurities from the coal from contaminating the iron, puddling placed the coal in an adjacent chamber to the iron, where most of the heat reached the iron by reflecting off the ceiling. This is where the name "puddling" comes from<ref>McVarish 2008, 269</ref>. Puddlers could handle three times as much iron as a finer, up to six hundred pounds at a time. Workers would push any solidifying clumps of iron under the surface of the molten mix so they would not oxidize. After most of the impurities had oxidized, a worker would split the iron into three lumps, which would be pressed by a machine called a squeezer to remove the remaining liquid slag<ref>McVarish 2008, 270</ref>. The bosh of the furnace was typically constructed from soapstone in Pennsylvania<ref> Overman 1854, 273</ref>.

===Forging===
Forging produced wrought iron using blooms and rods by effectively hammering. Large hammers between fifty and four hundred pounds could be used; lighter hammers typically produced smaller things. Forging hammers were automated by waterwheel or steam power, and could strike up to two hundred and fifty times per minute<ref>McVarish 2008, 271</ref>.

A finer would burn about 2 to 3 pounds of charcoal for every pound of iron made. (McVarish, p. 268)
Artisans found that iron and steel were easier to mold when hot. For a more efficient use, English engineers created a looping mill to better mold the iron and steel. <ref>McVarish 2008, 280</ref>

==The Furnace==
The upper portion of the furnace was conical in shape. The walls had an inner and outer layer; the outer was usually made of granite or slate, while the inner was usually made of sandstone or firebrick because of these substances' durability to withstand high temperatures<ref>McVarish 2008, 266</ref>. Between the two walls was an eight-inch space filled with stone chips or broken cinder-blocks. This space allowed the inner wall to expand and contract comfortably without bursting the outer wall. The area where workers would empty wheelbarrows full of iron ore was called the "trunnel head" or "throat." The opening above the hearth of the shaft below the trunnel head was called the bosh, which supported the furnace burden while funneling the molten slag<ref>McVarish 2008, 266</ref>. The taper of the shaft, bosh, and crucible was entirely dependent on the type of ore smelted, charcoal quality, and what quality of iron was desired as the finished product. In the United States, a straight, uniform forty to fifty foot stack was needed when hydrates and oxides of iron were smelted. Heat-exchanges, or hot blast stoves, were installed in the nineteenth century to increase efficiency. By the early twentieth century, the iron furnaces were forced to change due to the moving times. They grew to be about eighty feet tall; the shape and proportion of the hearth and bosh and the addition of a bellhopper to the trunnel head allowed for the use of new materials<ref>McVarish 2008, 267</ref>.
As coke-burning furnaces were built, the demand for charcoal declined. The transition to coke fuel caused some modifications to the furnaces's structure<ref>McVarish 2008, 267</ref>. Coke powered furnaces were typically taller and and had higher blast pressure than their charcoal counterparts<ref>McVarish 2008, 267</ref>.. There were approximately 500 in the 1860s, but by 1900 there were less than 50. (McVarish p. 263)

==Workers==
There were several different positions that could be held within the iron works. The [[Lives of Workers]] varied as working at the furnace required people of numerous skill sets, resulting in different pay levels and hours worked<ref>Walker 1966, 229</ref>. The furnaces needed managers, clerks, molders, teamsters<ref>Walker 1966, 231</ref>, blacksmiths<ref>Walker 1966, 237</ref>, woodcutters<ref>Walker 1966, 238</ref>, colliers involved in [[charcoal production]], ironmasters<ref>Walker 1966, 248</ref>, and fillers<ref>Walker 1966, 235</ref>. Furnaces also required founders, who supervised the actual operation of the foundry. Founders typically made their way up the ranks to founder by beginning as a laborer, becoming a helper, then a keeper (assistant to the founder), and finally a founder<ref>Walker 1966, 232</ref>.

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
*Convention of Iron Masters. 1850. Documents Relating to the Manufacture of Iron in Pennsylvania. Philadelphia: General Committee. https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/000958393.

*McVarish, Douglas C. 2008. ''American Industrial Archaeology: A Field Guide.'' Walnut Creek, Calif.: Left Coast Press, Inc.

* Straka, T. J. 2014. ''Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters.'' Advances in Historical Studies, 3, 104-114. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2014.32010

* Swank, J. Moore. 1878. ''Introduction to a History of Ironmaking and Coal Mining in Pennsylvania.'' Philadelphia: Pub. by the author. https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc2.ark:/13960/t1ng4hm2j&view=2up&seq=40

** Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Iron production

2020-10-01T02:33:14Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Bloomery */

Iron production converts iron ore into pig iron through a process known as [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Smelting smelting]. Early on in the history of iron production in the United States, most furnaces used charcoal as fuel; so [[charcoal production]] and iron production were often closely linked. In fact Charcoal was the only fuel for iron production until the 1830s when the industry began a slow
transition toward the use coal as fuel<ref>Straka 2014, 104</ref>. Ironworks were some of the first and most enduring examples of industry in the United States. Remnants of ironworks can still be found, especially in rural parts of the country<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>.

==History==
In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, small-scale metalworking operations produced everyday objects, such as kitchenware, toys, building materials, and tools<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. During wartime, cannons and other military weaponry were cast at furnaces<ref>Swank 1884, 35</ref>. Iron plantations were typically in rural communities and often included forges, housing for workers, woodlands for charcoal production, and a sawmill<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. Bloomeries were early centers of limited iron production. In a bloomery, the iron oxides in ore were reduced to metal and were then separated from the gangue in the ore. The fire created liquid slag and burning charcoal produced carbon dioxide, which reduced the oxide to metallic iron<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. Blast furnaces were also used for larger-scale iron production. These furnaces could be twenty to thirty feet in height and had hollow centers into which were placed ore, fuel, and flux<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. Bellows were powered by a water wheel, and melted iron and liquid slag accumulated in the bottom of the furnace<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. By the nineteenth century, blast furnaces were the most commonly used type of furnace<ref>McVarish 2008, 266</ref>.

Late in the nineteenth century, the Lehigh Valley was second only to Pittsburgh, PA in the yearly value of iron products in the iron districts of the entire country and was ranked first in pig iron districts<ref>Swank 1884, 34</ref>. The Lehigh Valley had fifty anthracite coal furnaces, of which the Bethlehem Iron Company owned six<ref>Swank 1884, 34</ref>.

In 1850 all of the ironworks in Eastern Pennsylvania were accounted for. In Lehigh County there were six anthracite blast furnaces that were in blast and one that was out of blast. There was one hot blast charcoal furnace that was out of blast and one cold blast charcoal furnace that was out of blast. There were no forges and no rolling mills. In Carbon County there was one anthracite blast furnace in blast and one not in blast. There was one hot blast charcoal furnace in blast and one out of blast. There were no cold blast charcoal furnaces. There were four bloomeries, two forges, and no rolling mills<ref>Convention of Iron Masters 1850, 135</ref>.

Iron has been used since primitive times, when it was discovered that iron ore heated would turn into a material that could be reheated and hammered to make useful objects. (McVarish p. 259).While a charcoal kiln site can be identified by brick or stone artifacts, it is harder to identify a charcoal mounds because it was made of wood and dirt. (McVarish 263)

==Iron Communities==
Self-sufficient communities, called iron plantations, were built around these furnaces. Many workers were needed to run an iron plantation, including colliers, miners, woodcutters, molders, founders, patternmakers, and their helpers. In Pennsylvania, Hopewell Furnace employed roughly two hundred to two hundred fifty people during the nineteenth century. Workers at iron plantations would often bring their families along with them. Considering this, the community at Hopewell Furnace would have consisted of about six hundred people<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. The lands of iron plantations included housing, gristmills and sawmills, farming land, and vast amounts of woodland, as well as barns, company stores, spring-houses, blacksmiths, schools, churches, carpenter's shops, forges, casting houses, charcoal storage, and many other buildings<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. Iron production required over a hundred acres of woodlands per year<ref>Straka 2014, 105</ref>.

In the 18th and 19th centuries there would have been hundreds of iron furnaces, and each town most likely had a blacksmith and forge. (McVarish p. 259)
Charcoal mounds and kilns were located as close to the wood source as possible, since wood was heavier to move than the charcoal so they were not usually near roads, but were on the sides of hills. (McVarish, p. 263)
Ironmakers hammer or roll the wrought iron to fit the buyer's preference, which might include bars, rods or sheets. (McVarish, p. 278)

==Fuel==
Prior to the 1830s, every furnace in the US burned charcoal as fuel. Charcoal was used because it could be produced in large quantities, it burns hotter than wood, and it is almost pure carbon, so it reduces impurities in iron produced<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. To make charcoal, a variety of methods were used including hearths and kilns. Hearths were generally used in the pre-Civil War period and involved burning wood in earth-covered mounds. These hearths produced weak charcoal that would crumble easily<ref>McVarish 2008, 262</ref>. Charcoal kilns were made of brick and were more efficient. They also created more durable charcoal than hearths, which yielded charcoal that was more brittle<ref>McVarish 2008, 262</ref>. Kiln remains vary greatly. Smaller remains are usually those of farm kilns, which can be found at the base of hills with roads nearby, while larger remains oriented with a square stone base and occasional steel shells surrounding the base are commercial kilns, and usually placed near railroads. Commercial kiln locations can be found on historical maps from the nineteenth and early twentieth century<ref>McVarish 2008, 265</ref>. Early finers had to use about to 2 to 3 pounds of charcoal in order to produce a pound of iron<ref>McVarish 2008, 268</ref>.Around the 1860s, coal and coke began to replace charcoal in some areas<ref>McVarish 2008, 267</ref>; but overall, iron production increased so much that the use of charcoal continued to rise until 1890. Around the same time perpetual kilns were introduced. These kilns can be characterized by three types of operation, mixed feed, separate-feed, and rotary kilns. Mix feed kilns were the most difficult to manage, the limestone and fuel had to be fed in alternative layers. When running favorable these kilns were the most economically favorable. The next type of kiln is the separate feed kiln. These became the first modern lime kiln which use limestone and fuel not in direct contact. The last type is rotary kilns. These kilns required that the limestone be crushed fairly small and even. One downside for rotary kilns is that they use a lot of fuel<ref>Straka 2014, 264</ref>. The last charcoal-powered furnace in the United States was in blast until 1945<ref>Straka 2014, 104</ref>.
Charcoal pits produced weak charcoal that would easily crumble when it was put in the blast furnace, while charcoal kilns produced more durable charcoal (McVarish p. 262)

Prior to the advent of puddling furnaces coal was never a viable option for iron production because it would contaminate the metal with sulfur <ref>McVarish, 2008, 269</ref>.

==Operation==
Furnace efficiency varied within the industry; the type of ore, equipment used, region, charcoal quality, and furnace type contributed to this<ref>Straka 2014, 105</ref>. [[Ironworks]] had to be near water and sources of raw materials such as charcoal,
limestone, and iron ore<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. Colonial ironworks used a variety of techniques to produce iron.

===Bloomery===
A bloomery was a small operation that heated iron ore to refine and shape it, which produced wrought iron<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. Bloomeries needed simple equipment like a hearth, bellows, and tools for manipulating the iron. They had to simultaneously accomplish two tasks: reducing the iron oxides in the ore to metal, and also to separate the metal from the gangue in the ore<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. Bloomeries were common in colonial America, specifically in Massachusetts, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. They operated between the seventeenth and twentieth centuries. Some disadvantages of bloomeries included limited production, wasted heat, and an inability to completely separate the iron from slag<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. Because bloomeries were a small operation, they created limited production. A bloomery could be able to supply a small blacksmith with what they need to satisfy local customers but never enough to satisfy a market.<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref> A bloomery cannot run continuously like blast furnace and because when the bloomer had to remove the loup from the hearth, thermal energy was wasted.<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>.

Iron ore after it was heated became wrought iron, and the slabs of wrought iron were called blooms (McVarish p. 259).

===Blast Furnace===
Blast furnaces addressed many of the disadvantages of bloomeries, as blast furnaces could be run continuously for months at at time, conserved heat, and could produce much more iron. A blast furnace would have been constructed in a dry location that was not prone to flooding<ref>Overman 1854, 153</ref>. After establishing a location that fit this criteria, the ground would be excavated to ensure that it could support the weight of the stack<ref>Overman 1854, 153-154</ref>. The foundation for the furnace would be constructed so that an additional foot of foundation would extend past the base of the furnace in all directions<ref>Overman 1854, 154</ref>. Blast furnaces were vertical, hollow structures, the top of which would be loaded with ore, fuel, and flux. The bottom had air vents and a hole for the molten iron to run out. Blast furnaces tended to be constructed twenty-five to thirty feet high when they first came into use, and eventually grew to be thirty-two to forty feet high during the nineteenth century with a conical shape on top<ref>McVarish 2008, 262</ref>.

The blast furnaces had very thick stone walls with fire-resistant interior lining. A layer between the lining and outer stones — usually made of clay or smaller stones — provided better insulation and allowed the inner walls to expand slightly when heated<ref>McVarish 2008, 262</ref>. The outer wall was generally constructed of any stone, often granite, grauwach (a dark coarsegrained sedimentary stone), or slate<ref>McVarish 2008, 266</ref>. The inner walls of the furnace were essential to build adequately as it had to stand up to high heat over long periods of time. The hearths in the blast furnaces were typically constructed from sandstone<ref>Overman 1854, 183-184</ref>. Bellows, which pumped air into the furnace to feed the flames, were often powered by waterwheels, equal to about twenty horsepower. By adjusting ventilation, the temperature inside blast furnaces could be controlled to a degree. Blast furnaces were loaded from the top and therefore were often located along hillsides. When the molten iron was ready to be collected, or tapped, a smaller hole at the top was opened to allow the liquid slag, which sat on top of the iron because it was lighter, to be drawn away. After the slag was collected, the main plug was pulled, and the molten iron ran into sand molds. The iron produced in blast furnaces is called pig iron because the final product resembles piglets suckling on their mother. After the iron ran into the molds and was cooled, the "pigs" were broken off the "sows." These smaller pieces were more valuable than the metal in the runners which would need to be remelted<ref>McVarish 2008, 265</ref>. In Pennsylvania, furnaces made roughly ten to twenty-five tons of pig iron or castings per week, with the latter amount rarely being attained<ref>Swank 1884, 35</ref>. By the nineteenth century, the reduction of iron took place almost exclusively in blast furnaces.
A blast furnace was filled with three materials, iron ore, charcoal and limestone. Iron ore could be found in bogs and deposits near the ground. (McVarish, p. 260)By the early 20th century, iron furnaces started using coke and coal instead of charcoal. (McVarish, p. 267) Charcoal and early coke furnaces were similar in construction, the only differences were that coke furnaces generally were larger and required a higher pressure blast<ref>McVarish 2008, 268</ref>.

==The Fining Process==
The Fining Process was brought to the United States in the seventeenth-century. Finer workers would melt pig iron and allow the carbon to oxidize. The iron gathered into a mass called a loup and was then hammered until the slag was removed<ref>McVarish 2008, 268</ref>. These early iron masters had to use charcoal as their main source of fuel as no effective way to use coal as a fuel had been developed yet<ref>McVarish 2008, 268</ref>. For each pound of iron produced a finer had to burn about 2 to 3 pounds of charcoal for fuel<ref>McVarish 2008, 268</ref>.
===Walloon Process===
The Walloon Process was the original fining technique. The Walloon Process involved pushing a pig of iron into a hearth full of charcoal at a downward angle to melt it, working it into a loup, and hammering it to expel slag. The melted metal was then collected from the bottom of the hearth and brought it into the air blast<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. From here the finer kept the metal in the air blast until they were convince dthat all the silicon and carbon had already oxidized <ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. It was after the oxidation that the metal was worked into a loup and then hammered to remove the slag<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. Occasionally the loup was reheated during the hammering process<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. The Walloon Process required a lot of air to heat the flames and the quality of wrought iron produced was heavily dependent on the skill of the workers making it<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>.

===Lancashire (Charcoal Hearth) Process===
The Lancashire Process, which was developed in Sweden, involved moving the pig iron through the hottest part of a flame to burn off impurities and allowing the melted iron to accumulate at the bottom. Workers would then lift the iron, cut into it, and force slag in to oxidize what impurities remained. The iron was then broken up, remelted, and formed into a loup via hammering. The Lancashire Process reused heat from the flames to preheat air being pumped in by the bellows, making it more heat-efficient than the Walloon Process<ref>McVarish 2008, 268-269</ref>.

In the United States this process was referred to as the "Charcoal Hearth Process"<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. The firing hearth stood at about 4 feet tall and was comprised of water-cooled cast-iron pipes<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. This method of iron production made purer iron than that of the Walloon process as the iron from the Lancashire process contained less carbon and slag <ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>.

===Puddling===
Puddling was a larger scale way to produce wrought iron than a finery that was able to use mineral coals instead of charcoal. To prevent impurities from the coal from contaminating the iron, puddling placed the coal in an adjacent chamber to the iron, where most of the heat reached the iron by reflecting off the ceiling. This is where the name "puddling" comes from<ref>McVarish 2008, 269</ref>. Puddlers could handle three times as much iron as a finer, up to six hundred pounds at a time. Workers would push any solidifying clumps of iron under the surface of the molten mix so they would not oxidize. After most of the impurities had oxidized, a worker would split the iron into three lumps, which would be pressed by a machine called a squeezer to remove the remaining liquid slag<ref>McVarish 2008, 270</ref>. The bosh of the furnace was typically constructed from soapstone in Pennsylvania<ref> Overman 1854, 273</ref>.

===Forging===
Forging produced wrought iron using blooms and rods by effectively hammering. Large hammers between fifty and four hundred pounds could be used; lighter hammers typically produced smaller things. Forging hammers were automated by waterwheel or steam power, and could strike up to two hundred and fifty times per minute<ref>McVarish 2008, 271</ref>.

A finer would burn about 2 to 3 pounds of charcoal for every pound of iron made. (McVarish, p. 268)

==The Furnace==
The upper portion of the furnace was conical in shape. The walls had an inner and outer layer; the outer was usually made of granite or slate, while the inner was usually made of sandstone or firebrick because of these substances' durability to withstand high temperatures<ref>McVarish 2008, 266</ref>. Between the two walls was an eight-inch space filled with stone chips or broken cinder-blocks. This space allowed the inner wall to expand and contract comfortably without bursting the outer wall. The area where workers would empty wheelbarrows full of iron ore was called the "trunnel head" or "throat." The opening above the hearth of the shaft below the trunnel head was called the bosh, which supported the furnace burden while funneling the molten slag<ref>McVarish 2008, 266</ref>. The taper of the shaft, bosh, and crucible was entirely dependent on the type of ore smelted, charcoal quality, and what quality of iron was desired as the finished product. In the United States, a straight, uniform forty to fifty foot stack was needed when hydrates and oxides of iron were smelted. Heat-exchanges, or hot blast stoves, were installed in the nineteenth century to increase efficiency. By the early twentieth century, the iron furnaces were forced to change due to the moving times. They grew to be about eighty feet tall; the shape and proportion of the hearth and bosh and the addition of a bellhopper to the trunnel head allowed for the use of new materials<ref>McVarish 2008, 267</ref>.
As coke-burning furnaces were built, the demand for charcoal declined. The transition to coke fuel caused some modifications to the furnaces's structure<ref>McVarish 2008, 267</ref>. Coke powered furnaces were typically taller and and had higher blast pressure than their charcoal counterparts<ref>McVarish 2008, 267</ref>.. There were approximately 500 in the 1860s, but by 1900 there were less than 50. (McVarish p. 263)

==Workers==
There were several different positions that could be held within the iron works. The [[Lives of Workers]] varied as working at the furnace required people of numerous skill sets, resulting in different pay levels and hours worked<ref>Walker 1966, 229</ref>. The furnaces needed managers, clerks, molders, teamsters<ref>Walker 1966, 231</ref>, blacksmiths<ref>Walker 1966, 237</ref>, woodcutters<ref>Walker 1966, 238</ref>, colliers involved in [[charcoal production]], ironmasters<ref>Walker 1966, 248</ref>, and fillers<ref>Walker 1966, 235</ref>. Furnaces also required founders, who supervised the actual operation of the foundry. Founders typically made their way up the ranks to founder by beginning as a laborer, becoming a helper, then a keeper (assistant to the founder), and finally a founder<ref>Walker 1966, 232</ref>.

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
*Convention of Iron Masters. 1850. Documents Relating to the Manufacture of Iron in Pennsylvania. Philadelphia: General Committee. https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/000958393.

*McVarish, Douglas C. 2008. ''American Industrial Archaeology: A Field Guide.'' Walnut Creek, Calif.: Left Coast Press, Inc.

* Straka, T. J. 2014. ''Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters.'' Advances in Historical Studies, 3, 104-114. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2014.32010

* Swank, J. Moore. 1878. ''Introduction to a History of Ironmaking and Coal Mining in Pennsylvania.'' Philadelphia: Pub. by the author. https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc2.ark:/13960/t1ng4hm2j&view=2up&seq=40

** Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Iron production

2020-10-01T02:24:11Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Bloomery */

Iron production converts iron ore into pig iron through a process known as [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Smelting smelting]. Early on in the history of iron production in the United States, most furnaces used charcoal as fuel; so [[charcoal production]] and iron production were often closely linked. In fact Charcoal was the only fuel for iron production until the 1830s when the industry began a slow
transition toward the use coal as fuel<ref>Straka 2014, 104</ref>. Ironworks were some of the first and most enduring examples of industry in the United States. Remnants of ironworks can still be found, especially in rural parts of the country<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>.

==History==
In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, small-scale metalworking operations produced everyday objects, such as kitchenware, toys, building materials, and tools<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. During wartime, cannons and other military weaponry were cast at furnaces<ref>Swank 1884, 35</ref>. Iron plantations were typically in rural communities and often included forges, housing for workers, woodlands for charcoal production, and a sawmill<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. Bloomeries were early centers of limited iron production. In a bloomery, the iron oxides in ore were reduced to metal and were then separated from the gangue in the ore. The fire created liquid slag and burning charcoal produced carbon dioxide, which reduced the oxide to metallic iron<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. Blast furnaces were also used for larger-scale iron production. These furnaces could be twenty to thirty feet in height and had hollow centers into which were placed ore, fuel, and flux<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. Bellows were powered by a water wheel, and melted iron and liquid slag accumulated in the bottom of the furnace<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. By the nineteenth century, blast furnaces were the most commonly used type of furnace<ref>McVarish 2008, 266</ref>.

Late in the nineteenth century, the Lehigh Valley was second only to Pittsburgh, PA in the yearly value of iron products in the iron districts of the entire country and was ranked first in pig iron districts<ref>Swank 1884, 34</ref>. The Lehigh Valley had fifty anthracite coal furnaces, of which the Bethlehem Iron Company owned six<ref>Swank 1884, 34</ref>.

In 1850 all of the ironworks in Eastern Pennsylvania were accounted for. In Lehigh County there were six anthracite blast furnaces that were in blast and one that was out of blast. There was one hot blast charcoal furnace that was out of blast and one cold blast charcoal furnace that was out of blast. There were no forges and no rolling mills. In Carbon County there was one anthracite blast furnace in blast and one not in blast. There was one hot blast charcoal furnace in blast and one out of blast. There were no cold blast charcoal furnaces. There were four bloomeries, two forges, and no rolling mills<ref>Convention of Iron Masters 1850, 135</ref>.

Iron has been used since primitive times, when it was discovered that iron ore heated would turn into a material that could be reheated and hammered to make useful objects. (McVarish p. 259).While a charcoal kiln site can be identified by brick or stone artifacts, it is harder to identify a charcoal mounds because it was made of wood and dirt. (McVarish 263)

==Iron Communities==
Self-sufficient communities, called iron plantations, were built around these furnaces. Many workers were needed to run an iron plantation, including colliers, miners, woodcutters, molders, founders, patternmakers, and their helpers. In Pennsylvania, Hopewell Furnace employed roughly two hundred to two hundred fifty people during the nineteenth century. Workers at iron plantations would often bring their families along with them. Considering this, the community at Hopewell Furnace would have consisted of about six hundred people<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. The lands of iron plantations included housing, gristmills and sawmills, farming land, and vast amounts of woodland, as well as barns, company stores, spring-houses, blacksmiths, schools, churches, carpenter's shops, forges, casting houses, charcoal storage, and many other buildings<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. Iron production required over a hundred acres of woodlands per year<ref>Straka 2014, 105</ref>.

In the 18th and 19th centuries there would have been hundreds of iron furnaces, and each town most likely had a blacksmith and forge. (McVarish p. 259)
Charcoal mounds and kilns were located as close to the wood source as possible, since wood was heavier to move than the charcoal so they were not usually near roads, but were on the sides of hills. (McVarish, p. 263)
Ironmakers hammer or roll the wrought iron to fit the buyer's preference, which might include bars, rods or sheets. (McVarish, p. 278)

==Fuel==
Prior to the 1830s, every furnace in the US burned charcoal as fuel. Charcoal was used because it could be produced in large quantities, it burns hotter than wood, and it is almost pure carbon, so it reduces impurities in iron produced<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. To make charcoal, a variety of methods were used including hearths and kilns. Hearths were generally used in the pre-Civil War period and involved burning wood in earth-covered mounds. These hearths produced weak charcoal that would crumble easily<ref>McVarish 2008, 262</ref>. Charcoal kilns were made of brick and were more efficient. They also created more durable charcoal than hearths, which yielded charcoal that was more brittle<ref>McVarish 2008, 262</ref>. Kiln remains vary greatly. Smaller remains are usually those of farm kilns, which can be found at the base of hills with roads nearby, while larger remains oriented with a square stone base and occasional steel shells surrounding the base are commercial kilns, and usually placed near railroads. Commercial kiln locations can be found on historical maps from the nineteenth and early twentieth century<ref>McVarish 2008, 265</ref>. Early finers had to use about to 2 to 3 pounds of charcoal in order to produce a pound of iron<ref>McVarish 2008, 268</ref>.Around the 1860s, coal and coke began to replace charcoal in some areas<ref>McVarish 2008, 267</ref>; but overall, iron production increased so much that the use of charcoal continued to rise until 1890. Around the same time perpetual kilns were introduced. These kilns can be characterized by three types of operation, mixed feed, separate-feed, and rotary kilns. Mix feed kilns were the most difficult to manage, the limestone and fuel had to be fed in alternative layers. When running favorable these kilns were the most economically favorable. The next type of kiln is the separate feed kiln. These became the first modern lime kiln which use limestone and fuel not in direct contact. The last type is rotary kilns. These kilns required that the limestone be crushed fairly small and even. One downside for rotary kilns is that they use a lot of fuel<ref>Straka 2014, 264</ref>. The last charcoal-powered furnace in the United States was in blast until 1945<ref>Straka 2014, 104</ref>.
Charcoal pits produced weak charcoal that would easily crumble when it was put in the blast furnace, while charcoal kilns produced more durable charcoal (McVarish p. 262)

Prior to the advent of puddling furnaces coal was never a viable option for iron production because it would contaminate the metal with sulfur <ref>McVarish, 2008, 269</ref>.

==Operation==
Furnace efficiency varied within the industry; the type of ore, equipment used, region, charcoal quality, and furnace type contributed to this<ref>Straka 2014, 105</ref>. [[Ironworks]] had to be near water and sources of raw materials such as charcoal,
limestone, and iron ore<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. Colonial ironworks used a variety of techniques to produce iron.

===Bloomery===
A bloomery was a small operation that heated iron ore to refine and shape it, which produced wrought iron<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. Bloomeries needed simple equipment like a hearth, bellows, and tools for manipulating the iron. They had to simultaneously accomplish two tasks: reducing the iron oxides in the ore to metal, and also to separate the metal from the gangue in the ore<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. Bloomeries were common in colonial America, specifically in Massachusetts, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. They operated between the seventeenth and twentieth centuries. Some disadvantages of bloomeries included limited production, wasted heat, and an inability to completely separate the iron from slag<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. Because bloomeries were a small operation, they created limited production. A bloomery could be able to supply a small blacksmith with what they need to satisfy local customers but never enough to satisfy a market.<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>

Iron ore after it was heated became wrought iron, and the slabs of wrought iron were called blooms (McVarish p. 259).

===Blast Furnace===
Blast furnaces addressed many of the disadvantages of bloomeries, as blast furnaces could be run continuously for months at at time, conserved heat, and could produce much more iron. A blast furnace would have been constructed in a dry location that was not prone to flooding<ref>Overman 1854, 153</ref>. After establishing a location that fit this criteria, the ground would be excavated to ensure that it could support the weight of the stack<ref>Overman 1854, 153-154</ref>. The foundation for the furnace would be constructed so that an additional foot of foundation would extend past the base of the furnace in all directions<ref>Overman 1854, 154</ref>. Blast furnaces were vertical, hollow structures, the top of which would be loaded with ore, fuel, and flux. The bottom had air vents and a hole for the molten iron to run out. Blast furnaces tended to be constructed twenty-five to thirty feet high when they first came into use, and eventually grew to be thirty-two to forty feet high during the nineteenth century with a conical shape on top<ref>McVarish 2008, 262</ref>.

The blast furnaces had very thick stone walls with fire-resistant interior lining. A layer between the lining and outer stones — usually made of clay or smaller stones — provided better insulation and allowed the inner walls to expand slightly when heated<ref>McVarish 2008, 262</ref>. The outer wall was generally constructed of any stone, often granite, grauwach (a dark coarsegrained sedimentary stone), or slate<ref>McVarish 2008, 266</ref>. The inner walls of the furnace were essential to build adequately as it had to stand up to high heat over long periods of time. The hearths in the blast furnaces were typically constructed from sandstone<ref>Overman 1854, 183-184</ref>. Bellows, which pumped air into the furnace to feed the flames, were often powered by waterwheels, equal to about twenty horsepower. By adjusting ventilation, the temperature inside blast furnaces could be controlled to a degree. Blast furnaces were loaded from the top and therefore were often located along hillsides. When the molten iron was ready to be collected, or tapped, a smaller hole at the top was opened to allow the liquid slag, which sat on top of the iron because it was lighter, to be drawn away. After the slag was collected, the main plug was pulled, and the molten iron ran into sand molds. The iron produced in blast furnaces is called pig iron because the final product resembles piglets suckling on their mother. After the iron ran into the molds and was cooled, the "pigs" were broken off the "sows." These smaller pieces were more valuable than the metal in the runners which would need to be remelted<ref>McVarish 2008, 265</ref>. In Pennsylvania, furnaces made roughly ten to twenty-five tons of pig iron or castings per week, with the latter amount rarely being attained<ref>Swank 1884, 35</ref>. By the nineteenth century, the reduction of iron took place almost exclusively in blast furnaces.
A blast furnace was filled with three materials, iron ore, charcoal and limestone. Iron ore could be found in bogs and deposits near the ground. (McVarish, p. 260)By the early 20th century, iron furnaces started using coke and coal instead of charcoal. (McVarish, p. 267) Charcoal and early coke furnaces were similar in construction, the only differences were that coke furnaces generally were larger and required a higher pressure blast<ref>McVarish 2008, 268</ref>.

==The Fining Process==
The Fining Process was brought to the United States in the seventeenth-century. Finer workers would melt pig iron and allow the carbon to oxidize. The iron gathered into a mass called a loup and was then hammered until the slag was removed<ref>McVarish 2008, 268</ref>. These early iron masters had to use charcoal as their main source of fuel as no effective way to use coal as a fuel had been developed yet<ref>McVarish 2008, 268</ref>. For each pound of iron produced a finer had to burn about 2 to 3 pounds of charcoal for fuel<ref>McVarish 2008, 268</ref>.
===Walloon Process===
The Walloon Process was the original fining technique. The Walloon Process involved pushing a pig of iron into a hearth full of charcoal at a downward angle to melt it, working it into a loup, and hammering it to expel slag. The melted metal was then collected from the bottom of the hearth and brought it into the air blast<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. From here the finer kept the metal in the air blast until they were convince dthat all the silicon and carbon had already oxidized <ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. It was after the oxidation that the metal was worked into a loup and then hammered to remove the slag<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. Occasionally the loup was reheated during the hammering process<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. The Walloon Process required a lot of air to heat the flames and the quality of wrought iron produced was heavily dependent on the skill of the workers making it<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>.

===Lancashire (Charcoal Hearth) Process===
The Lancashire Process, which was developed in Sweden, involved moving the pig iron through the hottest part of a flame to burn off impurities and allowing the melted iron to accumulate at the bottom. Workers would then lift the iron, cut into it, and force slag in to oxidize what impurities remained. The iron was then broken up, remelted, and formed into a loup via hammering. The Lancashire Process reused heat from the flames to preheat air being pumped in by the bellows, making it more heat-efficient than the Walloon Process<ref>McVarish 2008, 268-269</ref>.

In the United States this process was referred to as the "Charcoal Hearth Process"<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. The firing hearth stood at about 4 feet tall and was comprised of water-cooled cast-iron pipes<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. This method of iron production made purer iron than that of the Walloon process as the iron from the Lancashire process contained less carbon and slag <ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>.

===Puddling===
Puddling was a larger scale way to produce wrought iron than a finery that was able to use mineral coals instead of charcoal. To prevent impurities from the coal from contaminating the iron, puddling placed the coal in an adjacent chamber to the iron, where most of the heat reached the iron by reflecting off the ceiling. This is where the name "puddling" comes from<ref>McVarish 2008, 269</ref>. Puddlers could handle three times as much iron as a finer, up to six hundred pounds at a time. Workers would push any solidifying clumps of iron under the surface of the molten mix so they would not oxidize. After most of the impurities had oxidized, a worker would split the iron into three lumps, which would be pressed by a machine called a squeezer to remove the remaining liquid slag<ref>McVarish 2008, 270</ref>. The bosh of the furnace was typically constructed from soapstone in Pennsylvania<ref> Overman 1854, 273</ref>.

===Forging===
Forging produced wrought iron using blooms and rods by effectively hammering. Large hammers between fifty and four hundred pounds could be used; lighter hammers typically produced smaller things. Forging hammers were automated by waterwheel or steam power, and could strike up to two hundred and fifty times per minute<ref>McVarish 2008, 271</ref>.

A finer would burn about 2 to 3 pounds of charcoal for every pound of iron made. (McVarish, p. 268)

==The Furnace==
The upper portion of the furnace was conical in shape. The walls had an inner and outer layer; the outer was usually made of granite or slate, while the inner was usually made of sandstone or firebrick because of these substances' durability to withstand high temperatures<ref>McVarish 2008, 266</ref>. Between the two walls was an eight-inch space filled with stone chips or broken cinder-blocks. This space allowed the inner wall to expand and contract comfortably without bursting the outer wall. The area where workers would empty wheelbarrows full of iron ore was called the "trunnel head" or "throat." The opening above the hearth of the shaft below the trunnel head was called the bosh, which supported the furnace burden while funneling the molten slag<ref>McVarish 2008, 266</ref>. The taper of the shaft, bosh, and crucible was entirely dependent on the type of ore smelted, charcoal quality, and what quality of iron was desired as the finished product. In the United States, a straight, uniform forty to fifty foot stack was needed when hydrates and oxides of iron were smelted. Heat-exchanges, or hot blast stoves, were installed in the nineteenth century to increase efficiency. By the early twentieth century, the iron furnaces were forced to change due to the moving times. They grew to be about eighty feet tall; the shape and proportion of the hearth and bosh and the addition of a bellhopper to the trunnel head allowed for the use of new materials<ref>McVarish 2008, 267</ref>.
As coke-burning furnaces were built, the demand for charcoal declined. The transition to coke fuel caused some modifications to the furnaces's structure<ref>McVarish 2008, 267</ref>. Coke powered furnaces were typically taller and and had higher blast pressure than their charcoal counterparts<ref>McVarish 2008, 267</ref>.. There were approximately 500 in the 1860s, but by 1900 there were less than 50. (McVarish p. 263)

==Workers==
There were several different positions that could be held within the iron works. The [[Lives of Workers]] varied as working at the furnace required people of numerous skill sets, resulting in different pay levels and hours worked<ref>Walker 1966, 229</ref>. The furnaces needed managers, clerks, molders, teamsters<ref>Walker 1966, 231</ref>, blacksmiths<ref>Walker 1966, 237</ref>, woodcutters<ref>Walker 1966, 238</ref>, colliers involved in [[charcoal production]], ironmasters<ref>Walker 1966, 248</ref>, and fillers<ref>Walker 1966, 235</ref>. Furnaces also required founders, who supervised the actual operation of the foundry. Founders typically made their way up the ranks to founder by beginning as a laborer, becoming a helper, then a keeper (assistant to the founder), and finally a founder<ref>Walker 1966, 232</ref>.

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
*Convention of Iron Masters. 1850. Documents Relating to the Manufacture of Iron in Pennsylvania. Philadelphia: General Committee. https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/000958393.

*McVarish, Douglas C. 2008. ''American Industrial Archaeology: A Field Guide.'' Walnut Creek, Calif.: Left Coast Press, Inc.

* Straka, T. J. 2014. ''Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters.'' Advances in Historical Studies, 3, 104-114. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2014.32010

* Swank, J. Moore. 1878. ''Introduction to a History of Ironmaking and Coal Mining in Pennsylvania.'' Philadelphia: Pub. by the author. https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc2.ark:/13960/t1ng4hm2j&view=2up&seq=40

** Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Iron production

2020-10-01T02:24:01Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Bloomery */

Iron production converts iron ore into pig iron through a process known as [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Smelting smelting]. Early on in the history of iron production in the United States, most furnaces used charcoal as fuel; so [[charcoal production]] and iron production were often closely linked. In fact Charcoal was the only fuel for iron production until the 1830s when the industry began a slow
transition toward the use coal as fuel<ref>Straka 2014, 104</ref>. Ironworks were some of the first and most enduring examples of industry in the United States. Remnants of ironworks can still be found, especially in rural parts of the country<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>.

==History==
In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, small-scale metalworking operations produced everyday objects, such as kitchenware, toys, building materials, and tools<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. During wartime, cannons and other military weaponry were cast at furnaces<ref>Swank 1884, 35</ref>. Iron plantations were typically in rural communities and often included forges, housing for workers, woodlands for charcoal production, and a sawmill<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. Bloomeries were early centers of limited iron production. In a bloomery, the iron oxides in ore were reduced to metal and were then separated from the gangue in the ore. The fire created liquid slag and burning charcoal produced carbon dioxide, which reduced the oxide to metallic iron<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. Blast furnaces were also used for larger-scale iron production. These furnaces could be twenty to thirty feet in height and had hollow centers into which were placed ore, fuel, and flux<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. Bellows were powered by a water wheel, and melted iron and liquid slag accumulated in the bottom of the furnace<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. By the nineteenth century, blast furnaces were the most commonly used type of furnace<ref>McVarish 2008, 266</ref>.

Late in the nineteenth century, the Lehigh Valley was second only to Pittsburgh, PA in the yearly value of iron products in the iron districts of the entire country and was ranked first in pig iron districts<ref>Swank 1884, 34</ref>. The Lehigh Valley had fifty anthracite coal furnaces, of which the Bethlehem Iron Company owned six<ref>Swank 1884, 34</ref>.

In 1850 all of the ironworks in Eastern Pennsylvania were accounted for. In Lehigh County there were six anthracite blast furnaces that were in blast and one that was out of blast. There was one hot blast charcoal furnace that was out of blast and one cold blast charcoal furnace that was out of blast. There were no forges and no rolling mills. In Carbon County there was one anthracite blast furnace in blast and one not in blast. There was one hot blast charcoal furnace in blast and one out of blast. There were no cold blast charcoal furnaces. There were four bloomeries, two forges, and no rolling mills<ref>Convention of Iron Masters 1850, 135</ref>.

Iron has been used since primitive times, when it was discovered that iron ore heated would turn into a material that could be reheated and hammered to make useful objects. (McVarish p. 259).While a charcoal kiln site can be identified by brick or stone artifacts, it is harder to identify a charcoal mounds because it was made of wood and dirt. (McVarish 263)

==Iron Communities==
Self-sufficient communities, called iron plantations, were built around these furnaces. Many workers were needed to run an iron plantation, including colliers, miners, woodcutters, molders, founders, patternmakers, and their helpers. In Pennsylvania, Hopewell Furnace employed roughly two hundred to two hundred fifty people during the nineteenth century. Workers at iron plantations would often bring their families along with them. Considering this, the community at Hopewell Furnace would have consisted of about six hundred people<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. The lands of iron plantations included housing, gristmills and sawmills, farming land, and vast amounts of woodland, as well as barns, company stores, spring-houses, blacksmiths, schools, churches, carpenter's shops, forges, casting houses, charcoal storage, and many other buildings<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. Iron production required over a hundred acres of woodlands per year<ref>Straka 2014, 105</ref>.

In the 18th and 19th centuries there would have been hundreds of iron furnaces, and each town most likely had a blacksmith and forge. (McVarish p. 259)
Charcoal mounds and kilns were located as close to the wood source as possible, since wood was heavier to move than the charcoal so they were not usually near roads, but were on the sides of hills. (McVarish, p. 263)
Ironmakers hammer or roll the wrought iron to fit the buyer's preference, which might include bars, rods or sheets. (McVarish, p. 278)

==Fuel==
Prior to the 1830s, every furnace in the US burned charcoal as fuel. Charcoal was used because it could be produced in large quantities, it burns hotter than wood, and it is almost pure carbon, so it reduces impurities in iron produced<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. To make charcoal, a variety of methods were used including hearths and kilns. Hearths were generally used in the pre-Civil War period and involved burning wood in earth-covered mounds. These hearths produced weak charcoal that would crumble easily<ref>McVarish 2008, 262</ref>. Charcoal kilns were made of brick and were more efficient. They also created more durable charcoal than hearths, which yielded charcoal that was more brittle<ref>McVarish 2008, 262</ref>. Kiln remains vary greatly. Smaller remains are usually those of farm kilns, which can be found at the base of hills with roads nearby, while larger remains oriented with a square stone base and occasional steel shells surrounding the base are commercial kilns, and usually placed near railroads. Commercial kiln locations can be found on historical maps from the nineteenth and early twentieth century<ref>McVarish 2008, 265</ref>. Early finers had to use about to 2 to 3 pounds of charcoal in order to produce a pound of iron<ref>McVarish 2008, 268</ref>.Around the 1860s, coal and coke began to replace charcoal in some areas<ref>McVarish 2008, 267</ref>; but overall, iron production increased so much that the use of charcoal continued to rise until 1890. Around the same time perpetual kilns were introduced. These kilns can be characterized by three types of operation, mixed feed, separate-feed, and rotary kilns. Mix feed kilns were the most difficult to manage, the limestone and fuel had to be fed in alternative layers. When running favorable these kilns were the most economically favorable. The next type of kiln is the separate feed kiln. These became the first modern lime kiln which use limestone and fuel not in direct contact. The last type is rotary kilns. These kilns required that the limestone be crushed fairly small and even. One downside for rotary kilns is that they use a lot of fuel<ref>Straka 2014, 264</ref>. The last charcoal-powered furnace in the United States was in blast until 1945<ref>Straka 2014, 104</ref>.
Charcoal pits produced weak charcoal that would easily crumble when it was put in the blast furnace, while charcoal kilns produced more durable charcoal (McVarish p. 262)

Prior to the advent of puddling furnaces coal was never a viable option for iron production because it would contaminate the metal with sulfur <ref>McVarish, 2008, 269</ref>.

==Operation==
Furnace efficiency varied within the industry; the type of ore, equipment used, region, charcoal quality, and furnace type contributed to this<ref>Straka 2014, 105</ref>. [[Ironworks]] had to be near water and sources of raw materials such as charcoal,
limestone, and iron ore<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. Colonial ironworks used a variety of techniques to produce iron.

===Bloomery===
A bloomery was a small operation that heated iron ore to refine and shape it, which produced wrought iron<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. Bloomeries needed simple equipment like a hearth, bellows, and tools for manipulating the iron. They had to simultaneously accomplish two tasks: reducing the iron oxides in the ore to metal, and also to separate the metal from the gangue in the ore<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. Bloomeries were common in colonial America, specifically in Massachusetts, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. They operated between the seventeenth and twentieth centuries. Some disadvantages of bloomeries included limited production, wasted heat, and an inability to completely separate the iron from slag<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>. Because bloomeries were a small operation, they created limited production. A bloomery could be able to supply a small blacksmith with what they need to satisfy local customers but never enough to satisfy a market.<ref>McVarish 2008, 260</ref>.

Iron ore after it was heated became wrought iron, and the slabs of wrought iron were called blooms (McVarish p. 259).

===Blast Furnace===
Blast furnaces addressed many of the disadvantages of bloomeries, as blast furnaces could be run continuously for months at at time, conserved heat, and could produce much more iron. A blast furnace would have been constructed in a dry location that was not prone to flooding<ref>Overman 1854, 153</ref>. After establishing a location that fit this criteria, the ground would be excavated to ensure that it could support the weight of the stack<ref>Overman 1854, 153-154</ref>. The foundation for the furnace would be constructed so that an additional foot of foundation would extend past the base of the furnace in all directions<ref>Overman 1854, 154</ref>. Blast furnaces were vertical, hollow structures, the top of which would be loaded with ore, fuel, and flux. The bottom had air vents and a hole for the molten iron to run out. Blast furnaces tended to be constructed twenty-five to thirty feet high when they first came into use, and eventually grew to be thirty-two to forty feet high during the nineteenth century with a conical shape on top<ref>McVarish 2008, 262</ref>.

The blast furnaces had very thick stone walls with fire-resistant interior lining. A layer between the lining and outer stones — usually made of clay or smaller stones — provided better insulation and allowed the inner walls to expand slightly when heated<ref>McVarish 2008, 262</ref>. The outer wall was generally constructed of any stone, often granite, grauwach (a dark coarsegrained sedimentary stone), or slate<ref>McVarish 2008, 266</ref>. The inner walls of the furnace were essential to build adequately as it had to stand up to high heat over long periods of time. The hearths in the blast furnaces were typically constructed from sandstone<ref>Overman 1854, 183-184</ref>. Bellows, which pumped air into the furnace to feed the flames, were often powered by waterwheels, equal to about twenty horsepower. By adjusting ventilation, the temperature inside blast furnaces could be controlled to a degree. Blast furnaces were loaded from the top and therefore were often located along hillsides. When the molten iron was ready to be collected, or tapped, a smaller hole at the top was opened to allow the liquid slag, which sat on top of the iron because it was lighter, to be drawn away. After the slag was collected, the main plug was pulled, and the molten iron ran into sand molds. The iron produced in blast furnaces is called pig iron because the final product resembles piglets suckling on their mother. After the iron ran into the molds and was cooled, the "pigs" were broken off the "sows." These smaller pieces were more valuable than the metal in the runners which would need to be remelted<ref>McVarish 2008, 265</ref>. In Pennsylvania, furnaces made roughly ten to twenty-five tons of pig iron or castings per week, with the latter amount rarely being attained<ref>Swank 1884, 35</ref>. By the nineteenth century, the reduction of iron took place almost exclusively in blast furnaces.
A blast furnace was filled with three materials, iron ore, charcoal and limestone. Iron ore could be found in bogs and deposits near the ground. (McVarish, p. 260)By the early 20th century, iron furnaces started using coke and coal instead of charcoal. (McVarish, p. 267) Charcoal and early coke furnaces were similar in construction, the only differences were that coke furnaces generally were larger and required a higher pressure blast<ref>McVarish 2008, 268</ref>.

==The Fining Process==
The Fining Process was brought to the United States in the seventeenth-century. Finer workers would melt pig iron and allow the carbon to oxidize. The iron gathered into a mass called a loup and was then hammered until the slag was removed<ref>McVarish 2008, 268</ref>. These early iron masters had to use charcoal as their main source of fuel as no effective way to use coal as a fuel had been developed yet<ref>McVarish 2008, 268</ref>. For each pound of iron produced a finer had to burn about 2 to 3 pounds of charcoal for fuel<ref>McVarish 2008, 268</ref>.
===Walloon Process===
The Walloon Process was the original fining technique. The Walloon Process involved pushing a pig of iron into a hearth full of charcoal at a downward angle to melt it, working it into a loup, and hammering it to expel slag. The melted metal was then collected from the bottom of the hearth and brought it into the air blast<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. From here the finer kept the metal in the air blast until they were convince dthat all the silicon and carbon had already oxidized <ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. It was after the oxidation that the metal was worked into a loup and then hammered to remove the slag<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. Occasionally the loup was reheated during the hammering process<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. The Walloon Process required a lot of air to heat the flames and the quality of wrought iron produced was heavily dependent on the skill of the workers making it<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>.

===Lancashire (Charcoal Hearth) Process===
The Lancashire Process, which was developed in Sweden, involved moving the pig iron through the hottest part of a flame to burn off impurities and allowing the melted iron to accumulate at the bottom. Workers would then lift the iron, cut into it, and force slag in to oxidize what impurities remained. The iron was then broken up, remelted, and formed into a loup via hammering. The Lancashire Process reused heat from the flames to preheat air being pumped in by the bellows, making it more heat-efficient than the Walloon Process<ref>McVarish 2008, 268-269</ref>.

In the United States this process was referred to as the "Charcoal Hearth Process"<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. The firing hearth stood at about 4 feet tall and was comprised of water-cooled cast-iron pipes<ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>. This method of iron production made purer iron than that of the Walloon process as the iron from the Lancashire process contained less carbon and slag <ref>McVarish, 2008, 268</ref>.

===Puddling===
Puddling was a larger scale way to produce wrought iron than a finery that was able to use mineral coals instead of charcoal. To prevent impurities from the coal from contaminating the iron, puddling placed the coal in an adjacent chamber to the iron, where most of the heat reached the iron by reflecting off the ceiling. This is where the name "puddling" comes from<ref>McVarish 2008, 269</ref>. Puddlers could handle three times as much iron as a finer, up to six hundred pounds at a time. Workers would push any solidifying clumps of iron under the surface of the molten mix so they would not oxidize. After most of the impurities had oxidized, a worker would split the iron into three lumps, which would be pressed by a machine called a squeezer to remove the remaining liquid slag<ref>McVarish 2008, 270</ref>. The bosh of the furnace was typically constructed from soapstone in Pennsylvania<ref> Overman 1854, 273</ref>.

===Forging===
Forging produced wrought iron using blooms and rods by effectively hammering. Large hammers between fifty and four hundred pounds could be used; lighter hammers typically produced smaller things. Forging hammers were automated by waterwheel or steam power, and could strike up to two hundred and fifty times per minute<ref>McVarish 2008, 271</ref>.

A finer would burn about 2 to 3 pounds of charcoal for every pound of iron made. (McVarish, p. 268)

==The Furnace==
The upper portion of the furnace was conical in shape. The walls had an inner and outer layer; the outer was usually made of granite or slate, while the inner was usually made of sandstone or firebrick because of these substances' durability to withstand high temperatures<ref>McVarish 2008, 266</ref>. Between the two walls was an eight-inch space filled with stone chips or broken cinder-blocks. This space allowed the inner wall to expand and contract comfortably without bursting the outer wall. The area where workers would empty wheelbarrows full of iron ore was called the "trunnel head" or "throat." The opening above the hearth of the shaft below the trunnel head was called the bosh, which supported the furnace burden while funneling the molten slag<ref>McVarish 2008, 266</ref>. The taper of the shaft, bosh, and crucible was entirely dependent on the type of ore smelted, charcoal quality, and what quality of iron was desired as the finished product. In the United States, a straight, uniform forty to fifty foot stack was needed when hydrates and oxides of iron were smelted. Heat-exchanges, or hot blast stoves, were installed in the nineteenth century to increase efficiency. By the early twentieth century, the iron furnaces were forced to change due to the moving times. They grew to be about eighty feet tall; the shape and proportion of the hearth and bosh and the addition of a bellhopper to the trunnel head allowed for the use of new materials<ref>McVarish 2008, 267</ref>.
As coke-burning furnaces were built, the demand for charcoal declined. The transition to coke fuel caused some modifications to the furnaces's structure<ref>McVarish 2008, 267</ref>. Coke powered furnaces were typically taller and and had higher blast pressure than their charcoal counterparts<ref>McVarish 2008, 267</ref>.. There were approximately 500 in the 1860s, but by 1900 there were less than 50. (McVarish p. 263)

==Workers==
There were several different positions that could be held within the iron works. The [[Lives of Workers]] varied as working at the furnace required people of numerous skill sets, resulting in different pay levels and hours worked<ref>Walker 1966, 229</ref>. The furnaces needed managers, clerks, molders, teamsters<ref>Walker 1966, 231</ref>, blacksmiths<ref>Walker 1966, 237</ref>, woodcutters<ref>Walker 1966, 238</ref>, colliers involved in [[charcoal production]], ironmasters<ref>Walker 1966, 248</ref>, and fillers<ref>Walker 1966, 235</ref>. Furnaces also required founders, who supervised the actual operation of the foundry. Founders typically made their way up the ranks to founder by beginning as a laborer, becoming a helper, then a keeper (assistant to the founder), and finally a founder<ref>Walker 1966, 232</ref>.

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
*Convention of Iron Masters. 1850. Documents Relating to the Manufacture of Iron in Pennsylvania. Philadelphia: General Committee. https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/000958393.

*McVarish, Douglas C. 2008. ''American Industrial Archaeology: A Field Guide.'' Walnut Creek, Calif.: Left Coast Press, Inc.

* Straka, T. J. 2014. ''Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters.'' Advances in Historical Studies, 3, 104-114. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2014.32010

* Swank, J. Moore. 1878. ''Introduction to a History of Ironmaking and Coal Mining in Pennsylvania.'' Philadelphia: Pub. by the author. https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc2.ark:/13960/t1ng4hm2j&view=2up&seq=40

** Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Harvesting Wood

2020-09-25T19:51:51Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Deforestation */

==Wood==
Wood must be dry before it could be used for [[charcoal production]] and [[iron production]]. Wood cut in the late autumn and early winter proved to hold the least amount of water. For example, wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January. Wood cut in December and January was more solid and would dry faster<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Dead of decayed wood was of no use for making charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 83</ref>.

In 1878, 4 cords worth of charcoal proved to provide 1 ton of pig iron <ref>Straka 2010, 60</ref>. Places like Hopewell Furnace would use a 30 year cutting cycle which meant they had to use way more land so that the cut trees had plenty of time to regrow. Around 200 acres would be cut annually at Hopewell and 147,000 acres or 230 square miles of forest were harvested annually nationwide which led to obvious cases of forest depletion. In response to the depletion, furnaces and their employees because very strong supporters of forestry early on because of their need for forests to continue supplying wood <ref>Straka 2010, 60</ref>

==Woodcutters==
A cord of wood is four foot lengths of wood stacked four feet high and eight feet long. Woodcutters could cut anywhere from a few cords to more than one thousand cords. Many woodcutters were farmers who supplemented their income in the offseason<ref>Walker 1966, 238</ref>. For example, between 1851-1853 Edwin Gault was paid for 1993.5 cords<ref>Walker 1966, 238</ref>. One must remember, however, that he may have had helpers whom he then paid. Colliers also became woodcutters during the winter months in order to get a full-years wage<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. Payments for cutting wood varied greatly due to location and time<ref>Overman 1854, 84</ref>.

Wood cutters comprised a large proportion of the workers at any charcoal iron furnace. At Hopewell Furnace between 1851-1853, 225 persons were paid for any type of work and 116 were paid for cutting cord wood<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>. At Hopewell, on average approximately two cords of wood could be chopped down in a single day<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Two and a half cords was the average at Hanging Rock District<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>. It was noted, however, that in the Hanging Rock District there worked "...Reuben Beverly, who was reputed to be the champion chopper of this region and who, it is said, could cut, split and rank eight cords per day indefinitely. His name was as familiar throughout the Hanging Rock field as was that of the lad who cut down the cherry tree"<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>. Crandall also indicated that he personally had "known many expert wood choppers who could chop, split and rank from four to five cords a day"<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>.

Woodcutters sometimes delivered the wood to charcoal hearths, called "delivering in the ring". They were paid $1.75 for this wood<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>.

==Deforestation==
Charcoal production created a huge impact on forest depletion
Forest destruction tended to be complete near smelters and furnaces, it was generally localized near the demand for the fuel.<ref>Straka 2014, 105</ref>. The average annual furnace output was 1000 tons of pig iron. Thus, an average iron plantation furnace would require fuel from 150 acres of woodland per year. <ref>Straka 2014, 105</ref>.The woodland area surrounding the furnace was extremely important to feeding the charcoal furnace. <ref>Straka 2014, 110</ref>. Because of the consistent use for the furnaces, regeneration and growth were so slow that wood supplies would likely be depleted after a decade or so of woodcutting<ref>Straka 2014, 111</ref>.

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
* Crandall, Elias. 1906. ''Reminiscences of the Hanging Rock District (Concluded).'' The Iron Trade Review, July, 19.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. “Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters .” Scientific Research Publishing Inc.: 105. https://muhlenbergcollege.instructure.com/courses/14963/files/836339/download?wrap=1

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. “History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.” Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62. https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Harvesting Wood

2020-09-25T19:40:07Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Deforestation */

==Wood==
Wood must be dry before it could be used for [[charcoal production]] and [[iron production]]. Wood cut in the late autumn and early winter proved to hold the least amount of water. For example, wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January. Wood cut in December and January was more solid and would dry faster<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Dead of decayed wood was of no use for making charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 83</ref>.

In 1878, 4 cords worth of charcoal proved to provide 1 ton of pig iron <ref>Straka 2010, 60</ref>. Places like Hopewell Furnace would use a 30 year cutting cycle which meant they had to use way more land so that the cut trees had plenty of time to regrow. Around 200 acres would be cut annually at Hopewell and 147,000 acres or 230 square miles of forest were harvested annually nationwide which led to obvious cases of forest depletion. In response to the depletion, furnaces and their employees because very strong supporters of forestry early on because of their need for forests to continue supplying wood <ref>Straka 2010, 60</ref>

==Woodcutters==
A cord of wood is four foot lengths of wood stacked four feet high and eight feet long. Woodcutters could cut anywhere from a few cords to more than one thousand cords. Many woodcutters were farmers who supplemented their income in the offseason<ref>Walker 1966, 238</ref>. For example, between 1851-1853 Edwin Gault was paid for 1993.5 cords<ref>Walker 1966, 238</ref>. One must remember, however, that he may have had helpers whom he then paid. Colliers also became woodcutters during the winter months in order to get a full-years wage<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. Payments for cutting wood varied greatly due to location and time<ref>Overman 1854, 84</ref>.

Wood cutters comprised a large proportion of the workers at any charcoal iron furnace. At Hopewell Furnace between 1851-1853, 225 persons were paid for any type of work and 116 were paid for cutting cord wood<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>. At Hopewell, on average approximately two cords of wood could be chopped down in a single day<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Two and a half cords was the average at Hanging Rock District<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>. It was noted, however, that in the Hanging Rock District there worked "...Reuben Beverly, who was reputed to be the champion chopper of this region and who, it is said, could cut, split and rank eight cords per day indefinitely. His name was as familiar throughout the Hanging Rock field as was that of the lad who cut down the cherry tree"<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>. Crandall also indicated that he personally had "known many expert wood choppers who could chop, split and rank from four to five cords a day"<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>.

Woodcutters sometimes delivered the wood to charcoal hearths, called "delivering in the ring". They were paid $1.75 for this wood<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>.

==Deforestation==

Forest destruction tended to be complete near smelters and furnaces, it was generally localized near the demand for the fuel.<ref>Straka 2014, 105</ref>. The average annual furnace output was 1000 tons of pig iron. Thus, an average iron plantation furnace would require fuel from 150 acres of woodland per year. <ref>Straka 2014, 105</ref>.The woodland area surrounding the furnace was extremely important to feeding the charcoal furnace. <ref>Straka 2014, 110</ref>. Because of the consistent use for the furnaces, regeneration and growth were so slow that wood supplies would likely be depleted after a decade or so of woodcutting<ref>Straka 2014, 111</ref>.

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
* Crandall, Elias. 1906. ''Reminiscences of the Hanging Rock District (Concluded).'' The Iron Trade Review, July, 19.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. “Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters .” Scientific Research Publishing Inc.: 105. https://muhlenbergcollege.instructure.com/courses/14963/files/836339/download?wrap=1

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. “History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.” Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62. https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Harvesting Wood

2020-09-25T19:37:22Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Deforestation */

==Wood==
Wood must be dry before it could be used for [[charcoal production]] and [[iron production]]. Wood cut in the late autumn and early winter proved to hold the least amount of water. For example, wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January. Wood cut in December and January was more solid and would dry faster<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Dead of decayed wood was of no use for making charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 83</ref>.

In 1878, 4 cords worth of charcoal proved to provide 1 ton of pig iron <ref>Straka 2010, 60</ref>. Places like Hopewell Furnace would use a 30 year cutting cycle which meant they had to use way more land so that the cut trees had plenty of time to regrow. Around 200 acres would be cut annually at Hopewell and 147,000 acres or 230 square miles of forest were harvested annually nationwide which led to obvious cases of forest depletion. In response to the depletion, furnaces and their employees because very strong supporters of forestry early on because of their need for forests to continue supplying wood <ref>Straka 2010, 60</ref>

==Woodcutters==
A cord of wood is four foot lengths of wood stacked four feet high and eight feet long. Woodcutters could cut anywhere from a few cords to more than one thousand cords. Many woodcutters were farmers who supplemented their income in the offseason<ref>Walker 1966, 238</ref>. For example, between 1851-1853 Edwin Gault was paid for 1993.5 cords<ref>Walker 1966, 238</ref>. One must remember, however, that he may have had helpers whom he then paid. Colliers also became woodcutters during the winter months in order to get a full-years wage<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. Payments for cutting wood varied greatly due to location and time<ref>Overman 1854, 84</ref>.

Wood cutters comprised a large proportion of the workers at any charcoal iron furnace. At Hopewell Furnace between 1851-1853, 225 persons were paid for any type of work and 116 were paid for cutting cord wood<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>. At Hopewell, on average approximately two cords of wood could be chopped down in a single day<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Two and a half cords was the average at Hanging Rock District<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>. It was noted, however, that in the Hanging Rock District there worked "...Reuben Beverly, who was reputed to be the champion chopper of this region and who, it is said, could cut, split and rank eight cords per day indefinitely. His name was as familiar throughout the Hanging Rock field as was that of the lad who cut down the cherry tree"<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>. Crandall also indicated that he personally had "known many expert wood choppers who could chop, split and rank from four to five cords a day"<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>.

Woodcutters sometimes delivered the wood to charcoal hearths, called "delivering in the ring". They were paid $1.75 for this wood<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>.

==Deforestation==

Forest destruction tended to be complete near smelters and furnaces, it was generally localized near the demand for the fuel.<ref>Straka 2014, 105</ref>. The average annual furnace output was 1000 tons of pig iron. Thus, an average iron plantation furnace would require fuel from 150 acres of woodland per year. <ref>Straka 2014, 105</ref>.The woodland area surrounding the furnace was extremely important to feeding the charcoal furnace. <ref>Straka 2014, 110</ref>. Regeneration and growth were so slow that wood supplies would likely be depleted after a decade or so of woodcutting<ref>Straka 2014, 111</ref>.

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
* Crandall, Elias. 1906. ''Reminiscences of the Hanging Rock District (Concluded).'' The Iron Trade Review, July, 19.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. “Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters .” Scientific Research Publishing Inc.: 105. https://muhlenbergcollege.instructure.com/courses/14963/files/836339/download?wrap=1

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. “History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.” Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62. https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Harvesting Wood

2020-09-25T18:27:10Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Deforestation */

==Wood==
Wood must be dry before it could be used for [[charcoal production]] and [[iron production]]. Wood cut in the late autumn and early winter proved to hold the least amount of water. For example, wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January. Wood cut in December and January was more solid and would dry faster<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Dead of decayed wood was of no use for making charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 83</ref>.

In 1878, 4 cords worth of charcoal proved to provide 1 ton of pig iron <ref>Straka 2010, 60</ref>. Places like Hopewell Furnace would use a 30 year cutting cycle which meant they had to use way more land so that the cut trees had plenty of time to regrow. Around 200 acres would be cut annually at Hopewell and 147,000 acres or 230 square miles of forest were harvested annually nationwide which led to obvious cases of forest depletion. In response to the depletion, furnaces and their employees because very strong supporters of forestry early on because of their need for forests to continue supplying wood <ref>Straka 2010, 60</ref>

==Woodcutters==
A cord of wood is four foot lengths of wood stacked four feet high and eight feet long. Woodcutters could cut anywhere from a few cords to more than one thousand cords. Many woodcutters were farmers who supplemented their income in the offseason<ref>Walker 1966, 238</ref>. For example, between 1851-1853 Edwin Gault was paid for 1993.5 cords<ref>Walker 1966, 238</ref>. One must remember, however, that he may have had helpers whom he then paid. Colliers also became woodcutters during the winter months in order to get a full-years wage<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. Payments for cutting wood varied greatly due to location and time<ref>Overman 1854, 84</ref>.

Wood cutters comprised a large proportion of the workers at any charcoal iron furnace. At Hopewell Furnace between 1851-1853, 225 persons were paid for any type of work and 116 were paid for cutting cord wood<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>. At Hopewell, on average approximately two cords of wood could be chopped down in a single day<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Two and a half cords was the average at Hanging Rock District<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>. It was noted, however, that in the Hanging Rock District there worked "...Reuben Beverly, who was reputed to be the champion chopper of this region and who, it is said, could cut, split and rank eight cords per day indefinitely. His name was as familiar throughout the Hanging Rock field as was that of the lad who cut down the cherry tree"<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>. Crandall also indicated that he personally had "known many expert wood choppers who could chop, split and rank from four to five cords a day"<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>.

Woodcutters sometimes delivered the wood to charcoal hearths, called "delivering in the ring". They were paid $1.75 for this wood<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>.

==Deforestation==

Forest destruction tended to be complete near smelters and furnaces, it was generally localized near the demand for the fuel.<ref>Straka 2014, 105</ref>. The average annual furnace output was 1000 tons of pig iron. Thus, an average iron plantation furnace would require fuel from 150 acres of woodland per year. <ref>Straka 2014, 105</ref>.

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
* Crandall, Elias. 1906. ''Reminiscences of the Hanging Rock District (Concluded).'' The Iron Trade Review, July, 19.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. “Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters .” Scientific Research Publishing Inc.: 105. https://muhlenbergcollege.instructure.com/courses/14963/files/836339/download?wrap=1

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. “History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.” Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62. https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Harvesting Wood

2020-09-25T18:15:53Z

Ajroberts2021:

==Wood==
Wood must be dry before it could be used for [[charcoal production]] and [[iron production]]. Wood cut in the late autumn and early winter proved to hold the least amount of water. For example, wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January. Wood cut in December and January was more solid and would dry faster<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Dead of decayed wood was of no use for making charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 83</ref>.

In 1878, 4 cords worth of charcoal proved to provide 1 ton of pig iron <ref>Straka 2010, 60</ref>. Places like Hopewell Furnace would use a 30 year cutting cycle which meant they had to use way more land so that the cut trees had plenty of time to regrow. Around 200 acres would be cut annually at Hopewell and 147,000 acres or 230 square miles of forest were harvested annually nationwide which led to obvious cases of forest depletion. In response to the depletion, furnaces and their employees because very strong supporters of forestry early on because of their need for forests to continue supplying wood <ref>Straka 2010, 60</ref>

==Woodcutters==
A cord of wood is four foot lengths of wood stacked four feet high and eight feet long. Woodcutters could cut anywhere from a few cords to more than one thousand cords. Many woodcutters were farmers who supplemented their income in the offseason<ref>Walker 1966, 238</ref>. For example, between 1851-1853 Edwin Gault was paid for 1993.5 cords<ref>Walker 1966, 238</ref>. One must remember, however, that he may have had helpers whom he then paid. Colliers also became woodcutters during the winter months in order to get a full-years wage<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. Payments for cutting wood varied greatly due to location and time<ref>Overman 1854, 84</ref>.

Wood cutters comprised a large proportion of the workers at any charcoal iron furnace. At Hopewell Furnace between 1851-1853, 225 persons were paid for any type of work and 116 were paid for cutting cord wood<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>. At Hopewell, on average approximately two cords of wood could be chopped down in a single day<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Two and a half cords was the average at Hanging Rock District<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>. It was noted, however, that in the Hanging Rock District there worked "...Reuben Beverly, who was reputed to be the champion chopper of this region and who, it is said, could cut, split and rank eight cords per day indefinitely. His name was as familiar throughout the Hanging Rock field as was that of the lad who cut down the cherry tree"<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>. Crandall also indicated that he personally had "known many expert wood choppers who could chop, split and rank from four to five cords a day"<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>.

Woodcutters sometimes delivered the wood to charcoal hearths, called "delivering in the ring". They were paid $1.75 for this wood<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>.

==Deforestation==

Forest destruction tended to be complete near smelters and furnaces, it was generally localized near the demand for the fuel.<ref>Straka 2014, 105</ref>.

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
* Crandall, Elias. 1906. ''Reminiscences of the Hanging Rock District (Concluded).'' The Iron Trade Review, July, 19.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. “Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters .” Scientific Research Publishing Inc.: 105. https://muhlenbergcollege.instructure.com/courses/14963/files/836339/download?wrap=1

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. “History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.” Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62. https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Harvesting Wood

2020-09-25T18:15:16Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Deforestation */

==Wood==
Wood must be dry before it could be used for [[charcoal production]] and [[iron production]]. Wood cut in the late autumn and early winter proved to hold the least amount of water. For example, wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January. Wood cut in December and January was more solid and would dry faster<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Dead of decayed wood was of no use for making charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 83</ref>.

In 1878, 4 cords worth of charcoal proved to provide 1 ton of pig iron <ref>Straka 2010, 60</ref>. Places like Hopewell Furnace would use a 30 year cutting cycle which meant they had to use way more land so that the cut trees had plenty of time to regrow. Around 200 acres would be cut annually at Hopewell and 147,000 acres or 230 square miles of forest were harvested annually nationwide which led to obvious cases of forest depletion. In response to the depletion, furnaces and their employees because very strong supporters of forestry early on because of their need for forests to continue supplying wood <ref>Straka 2010, 60</ref>

==Woodcutters==
A cord of wood is four foot lengths of wood stacked four feet high and eight feet long. Woodcutters could cut anywhere from a few cords to more than one thousand cords. Many woodcutters were farmers who supplemented their income in the offseason<ref>Walker 1966, 238</ref>. For example, between 1851-1853 Edwin Gault was paid for 1993.5 cords<ref>Walker 1966, 238</ref>. One must remember, however, that he may have had helpers whom he then paid. Colliers also became woodcutters during the winter months in order to get a full-years wage<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. Payments for cutting wood varied greatly due to location and time<ref>Overman 1854, 84</ref>.

Wood cutters comprised a large proportion of the workers at any charcoal iron furnace. At Hopewell Furnace between 1851-1853, 225 persons were paid for any type of work and 116 were paid for cutting cord wood<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>. At Hopewell, on average approximately two cords of wood could be chopped down in a single day<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Two and a half cords was the average at Hanging Rock District<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>. It was noted, however, that in the Hanging Rock District there worked "...Reuben Beverly, who was reputed to be the champion chopper of this region and who, it is said, could cut, split and rank eight cords per day indefinitely. His name was as familiar throughout the Hanging Rock field as was that of the lad who cut down the cherry tree"<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>. Crandall also indicated that he personally had "known many expert wood choppers who could chop, split and rank from four to five cords a day"<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>.

Woodcutters sometimes delivered the wood to charcoal hearths, called "delivering in the ring". They were paid $1.75 for this wood<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>.

==Deforestation==

Forest destruction tended to be complete near smelters and furnaces, it was generally localized near the demand for the fuel.

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
* Crandall, Elias. 1906. ''Reminiscences of the Hanging Rock District (Concluded).'' The Iron Trade Review, July, 19.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. “Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters .” Scientific Research Publishing Inc.: 105. https://muhlenbergcollege.instructure.com/courses/14963/files/836339/download?wrap=1

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. “History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.” Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62. https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Harvesting Wood

2020-09-25T18:15:05Z

Ajroberts2021: /* References */

==Wood==
Wood must be dry before it could be used for [[charcoal production]] and [[iron production]]. Wood cut in the late autumn and early winter proved to hold the least amount of water. For example, wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January. Wood cut in December and January was more solid and would dry faster<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Dead of decayed wood was of no use for making charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 83</ref>.

In 1878, 4 cords worth of charcoal proved to provide 1 ton of pig iron <ref>Straka 2010, 60</ref>. Places like Hopewell Furnace would use a 30 year cutting cycle which meant they had to use way more land so that the cut trees had plenty of time to regrow. Around 200 acres would be cut annually at Hopewell and 147,000 acres or 230 square miles of forest were harvested annually nationwide which led to obvious cases of forest depletion. In response to the depletion, furnaces and their employees because very strong supporters of forestry early on because of their need for forests to continue supplying wood <ref>Straka 2010, 60</ref>

==Woodcutters==
A cord of wood is four foot lengths of wood stacked four feet high and eight feet long. Woodcutters could cut anywhere from a few cords to more than one thousand cords. Many woodcutters were farmers who supplemented their income in the offseason<ref>Walker 1966, 238</ref>. For example, between 1851-1853 Edwin Gault was paid for 1993.5 cords<ref>Walker 1966, 238</ref>. One must remember, however, that he may have had helpers whom he then paid. Colliers also became woodcutters during the winter months in order to get a full-years wage<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. Payments for cutting wood varied greatly due to location and time<ref>Overman 1854, 84</ref>.

Wood cutters comprised a large proportion of the workers at any charcoal iron furnace. At Hopewell Furnace between 1851-1853, 225 persons were paid for any type of work and 116 were paid for cutting cord wood<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>. At Hopewell, on average approximately two cords of wood could be chopped down in a single day<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Two and a half cords was the average at Hanging Rock District<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>. It was noted, however, that in the Hanging Rock District there worked "...Reuben Beverly, who was reputed to be the champion chopper of this region and who, it is said, could cut, split and rank eight cords per day indefinitely. His name was as familiar throughout the Hanging Rock field as was that of the lad who cut down the cherry tree"<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>. Crandall also indicated that he personally had "known many expert wood choppers who could chop, split and rank from four to five cords a day"<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>.

Woodcutters sometimes delivered the wood to charcoal hearths, called "delivering in the ring". They were paid $1.75 for this wood<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>.

==Deforestation==

Forest destruction tended to be complete near smelters and furnaces, it was generally localized near the demand for the fuel

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
* Crandall, Elias. 1906. ''Reminiscences of the Hanging Rock District (Concluded).'' The Iron Trade Review, July, 19.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. “Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters .” Scientific Research Publishing Inc.: 105. https://muhlenbergcollege.instructure.com/courses/14963/files/836339/download?wrap=1

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. “History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.” Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62. https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Harvesting Wood

2020-09-25T18:14:47Z

Ajroberts2021: /* References */

==Wood==
Wood must be dry before it could be used for [[charcoal production]] and [[iron production]]. Wood cut in the late autumn and early winter proved to hold the least amount of water. For example, wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January. Wood cut in December and January was more solid and would dry faster<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Dead of decayed wood was of no use for making charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 83</ref>.

In 1878, 4 cords worth of charcoal proved to provide 1 ton of pig iron <ref>Straka 2010, 60</ref>. Places like Hopewell Furnace would use a 30 year cutting cycle which meant they had to use way more land so that the cut trees had plenty of time to regrow. Around 200 acres would be cut annually at Hopewell and 147,000 acres or 230 square miles of forest were harvested annually nationwide which led to obvious cases of forest depletion. In response to the depletion, furnaces and their employees because very strong supporters of forestry early on because of their need for forests to continue supplying wood <ref>Straka 2010, 60</ref>

==Woodcutters==
A cord of wood is four foot lengths of wood stacked four feet high and eight feet long. Woodcutters could cut anywhere from a few cords to more than one thousand cords. Many woodcutters were farmers who supplemented their income in the offseason<ref>Walker 1966, 238</ref>. For example, between 1851-1853 Edwin Gault was paid for 1993.5 cords<ref>Walker 1966, 238</ref>. One must remember, however, that he may have had helpers whom he then paid. Colliers also became woodcutters during the winter months in order to get a full-years wage<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. Payments for cutting wood varied greatly due to location and time<ref>Overman 1854, 84</ref>.

Wood cutters comprised a large proportion of the workers at any charcoal iron furnace. At Hopewell Furnace between 1851-1853, 225 persons were paid for any type of work and 116 were paid for cutting cord wood<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>. At Hopewell, on average approximately two cords of wood could be chopped down in a single day<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Two and a half cords was the average at Hanging Rock District<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>. It was noted, however, that in the Hanging Rock District there worked "...Reuben Beverly, who was reputed to be the champion chopper of this region and who, it is said, could cut, split and rank eight cords per day indefinitely. His name was as familiar throughout the Hanging Rock field as was that of the lad who cut down the cherry tree"<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>. Crandall also indicated that he personally had "known many expert wood choppers who could chop, split and rank from four to five cords a day"<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>.

Woodcutters sometimes delivered the wood to charcoal hearths, called "delivering in the ring". They were paid $1.75 for this wood<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>.

==Deforestation==

Forest destruction tended to be complete near smelters and furnaces, it was generally localized near the demand for the fuel

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
* Crandall, Elias. 1906. ''Reminiscences of the Hanging Rock District (Concluded).'' The Iron Trade Review, July, 19.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1

*Straka, Thomas J. 2010. “Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters .” Scientific Research Publishing Inc.: 105. https://muhlenbergcollege.instructure.com/courses/14963/files/836339/download?wrap=1

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. “History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.” Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62. https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Harvesting Wood

2020-09-25T17:52:39Z

Ajroberts2021:

==Wood==
Wood must be dry before it could be used for [[charcoal production]] and [[iron production]]. Wood cut in the late autumn and early winter proved to hold the least amount of water. For example, wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January. Wood cut in December and January was more solid and would dry faster<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Dead of decayed wood was of no use for making charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 83</ref>.

In 1878, 4 cords worth of charcoal proved to provide 1 ton of pig iron <ref>Straka 2010, 60</ref>. Places like Hopewell Furnace would use a 30 year cutting cycle which meant they had to use way more land so that the cut trees had plenty of time to regrow. Around 200 acres would be cut annually at Hopewell and 147,000 acres or 230 square miles of forest were harvested annually nationwide which led to obvious cases of forest depletion. In response to the depletion, furnaces and their employees because very strong supporters of forestry early on because of their need for forests to continue supplying wood <ref>Straka 2010, 60</ref>

==Woodcutters==
A cord of wood is four foot lengths of wood stacked four feet high and eight feet long. Woodcutters could cut anywhere from a few cords to more than one thousand cords. Many woodcutters were farmers who supplemented their income in the offseason<ref>Walker 1966, 238</ref>. For example, between 1851-1853 Edwin Gault was paid for 1993.5 cords<ref>Walker 1966, 238</ref>. One must remember, however, that he may have had helpers whom he then paid. Colliers also became woodcutters during the winter months in order to get a full-years wage<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. Payments for cutting wood varied greatly due to location and time<ref>Overman 1854, 84</ref>.

Wood cutters comprised a large proportion of the workers at any charcoal iron furnace. At Hopewell Furnace between 1851-1853, 225 persons were paid for any type of work and 116 were paid for cutting cord wood<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>. At Hopewell, on average approximately two cords of wood could be chopped down in a single day<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Two and a half cords was the average at Hanging Rock District<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>. It was noted, however, that in the Hanging Rock District there worked "...Reuben Beverly, who was reputed to be the champion chopper of this region and who, it is said, could cut, split and rank eight cords per day indefinitely. His name was as familiar throughout the Hanging Rock field as was that of the lad who cut down the cherry tree"<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>. Crandall also indicated that he personally had "known many expert wood choppers who could chop, split and rank from four to five cords a day"<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>.

Woodcutters sometimes delivered the wood to charcoal hearths, called "delivering in the ring". They were paid $1.75 for this wood<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>.

==Deforestation==

Forest destruction tended to be complete near smelters and furnaces, it was generally localized near the demand for the fuel

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
* Crandall, Elias. 1906. ''Reminiscences of the Hanging Rock District (Concluded).'' The Iron Trade Review, July, 19.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. “History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.” Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62. https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Harvesting Wood

2020-09-25T17:52:11Z

Ajroberts2021:

==Wood==
Wood must be dry before it could be used for [[charcoal production]] and [[iron production]]. Wood cut in the late autumn and early winter proved to hold the least amount of water. For example, wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January. Wood cut in December and January was more solid and would dry faster<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Dead of decayed wood was of no use for making charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 83</ref>.

In 1878, 4 cords worth of charcoal proved to provide 1 ton of pig iron <ref>Straka 2010, 60</ref>. Places like Hopewell Furnace would use a 30 year cutting cycle which meant they had to use way more land so that the cut trees had plenty of time to regrow. Around 200 acres would be cut annually at Hopewell and 147,000 acres or 230 square miles of forest were harvested annually nationwide which led to obvious cases of forest depletion. In response to the depletion, furnaces and their employees because very strong supporters of forestry early on because of their need for forests to continue supplying wood <ref>Straka 2010, 60</ref>

==Woodcutters==
A cord of wood is four foot lengths of wood stacked four feet high and eight feet long. Woodcutters could cut anywhere from a few cords to more than one thousand cords. Many woodcutters were farmers who supplemented their income in the offseason<ref>Walker 1966, 238</ref>. For example, between 1851-1853 Edwin Gault was paid for 1993.5 cords<ref>Walker 1966, 238</ref>. One must remember, however, that he may have had helpers whom he then paid. Colliers also became woodcutters during the winter months in order to get a full-years wage<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. Payments for cutting wood varied greatly due to location and time<ref>Overman 1854, 84</ref>.

Wood cutters comprised a large proportion of the workers at any charcoal iron furnace. At Hopewell Furnace between 1851-1853, 225 persons were paid for any type of work and 116 were paid for cutting cord wood<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>. At Hopewell, on average approximately two cords of wood could be chopped down in a single day<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Two and a half cords was the average at Hanging Rock District<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>. It was noted, however, that in the Hanging Rock District there worked "...Reuben Beverly, who was reputed to be the champion chopper of this region and who, it is said, could cut, split and rank eight cords per day indefinitely. His name was as familiar throughout the Hanging Rock field as was that of the lad who cut down the cherry tree"<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>. Crandall also indicated that he personally had "known many expert wood choppers who could chop, split and rank from four to five cords a day"<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>.

Woodcutters sometimes delivered the wood to charcoal hearths, called "delivering in the ring". They were paid $1.75 for this wood<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>.

==Deforestation==

Forest destruction tended to be complete near smelters and furnaces, it was generally localized near the demand for the fuel

<references />

==References==
* Crandall, Elias. 1906. ''Reminiscences of the Hanging Rock District (Concluded).'' The Iron Trade Review, July, 19.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. “History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.” Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62. https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Harvesting Wood

2020-09-25T17:21:24Z

Ajroberts2021:

==Wood==
Wood must be dry before it could be used for [[charcoal production]] and [[iron production]]. Wood cut in the late autumn and early winter proved to hold the least amount of water. For example, wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January. Wood cut in December and January was more solid and would dry faster<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Dead of decayed wood was of no use for making charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 83</ref>.

In 1878, 4 cords worth of charcoal proved to provide 1 ton of pig iron <ref>Straka 2010, 60</ref>. Places like Hopewell Furnace would use a 30 year cutting cycle which meant they had to use way more land so that the cut trees had plenty of time to regrow. Around 200 acres would be cut annually at Hopewell and 147,000 acres or 230 square miles of forest were harvested annually nationwide which led to obvious cases of forest depletion. In response to the depletion, furnaces and their employees because very strong supporters of forestry early on because of their need for forests to continue supplying wood <ref>Straka 2010, 60</ref>

==Woodcutters==
A cord of wood is four foot lengths of wood stacked four feet high and eight feet long. Woodcutters could cut anywhere from a few cords to more than one thousand cords. Many woodcutters were farmers who supplemented their income in the offseason<ref>Walker 1966, 238</ref>. For example, between 1851-1853 Edwin Gault was paid for 1993.5 cords<ref>Walker 1966, 238</ref>. One must remember, however, that he may have had helpers whom he then paid. Colliers also became woodcutters during the winter months in order to get a full-years wage<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. Payments for cutting wood varied greatly due to location and time<ref>Overman 1854, 84</ref>.

Wood cutters comprised a large proportion of the workers at any charcoal iron furnace. At Hopewell Furnace between 1851-1853, 225 persons were paid for any type of work and 116 were paid for cutting cord wood<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>. At Hopewell, on average approximately two cords of wood could be chopped down in a single day<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Two and a half cords was the average at Hanging Rock District<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>. It was noted, however, that in the Hanging Rock District there worked "...Reuben Beverly, who was reputed to be the champion chopper of this region and who, it is said, could cut, split and rank eight cords per day indefinitely. His name was as familiar throughout the Hanging Rock field as was that of the lad who cut down the cherry tree"<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>. Crandall also indicated that he personally had "known many expert wood choppers who could chop, split and rank from four to five cords a day"<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>.

Woodcutters sometimes delivered the wood to charcoal hearths, called "delivering in the ring". They were paid $1.75 for this wood<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>.

==Deforestation==

<references />

==References==
* Crandall, Elias. 1906. ''Reminiscences of the Hanging Rock District (Concluded).'' The Iron Trade Review, July, 19.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. “History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.” Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62. https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Field Work 2018

2020-09-24T15:06:34Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Plan */

=Purpose of the work=
In the fall of 2018, the Muhlenberg Field Archaeology class studied the Blue Mountain land that was used for charcoal and iron production. The class conducted some surveys and a small excavation of a colliers hut, utilizing several different methods including examination of LiDAR maps, pedestrian survey, shovel test pits, and metal detecting.

Possible charcoal pits were identified using LiDAR (Light Detection and Ranging) (Carter and Backenstoss 2017, Carter 2019a, 2019b). On LiDAR data, the charcoal pits appear as flattened ovals on sloped terrain due to the clearing and leveling of the site in order to make charcoal.

The purpose of this research was to introduce students to survey methods and orient them to the landscape. The second was to investigate the three collier’s huts on the side of the mountain through excavation<ref>Carter 2019, 35</ref>. Through the field work, four new collier’s huts were identified in the field and three more potential ones were noted. The confirmed identification of four more collier’s huts however, increases the total confirmed huts to eleven.

=Plan=
The plan of field work was to utilize several different methods of examination including the use of LiDAR maps, pedestrian survey, shovel test pits, and metal detecting<ref>Carter 2019, 31</ref>. Once the collier huts were identified, the area planned to be excavated would be in the “back” of the hut<ref>Carter 2019, 41</ref>. Charcoal pits were first identified by LiDAR, a form of remote sensing that measures the height of the land surface and vegetation across an area using a plane containing a combination of GPS, sensors/lasers, and an IMU (inertial measurement unit)<ref>Carter 2019, 31</ref>. On LiDAR data, the charcoal pits appear as “eyes” or flattened ovals on sloped terrain due to the clearing and leveling of the site to make charcoal<ref>Carter 2019, 32</ref>. The charcoal pits are easy to locate because they are perfectly level and 10 to 15 meters apart<ref>Carter 2019, 32</ref>. By combining the Digital Elevation Model with the LiDAR data a more complete hill shade and slope analysis that revealed charcoal pits in greater detail and identified more pits than the initial LiDAR data<ref>Carter 2019, 32</ref>. Iron Furnaces were located by utilizing a combination of historic and modern maps<ref>Carter 2019, 33</ref>. Both the Lehigh and East Penn Furnace were located<ref>Carter 2019, 33-35</ref>.

=Fieldwork=

On the first day, an area was identified which served as a good space to conduct a systematic survey. Unfortunately this did not happen because upon arrival it was discovered that the area hadn't been cut for quite some time resulting in impenetrable growth. Due to this, a trip was taken to some hearths in the surrounding area that were identified on the LiDAR but had not yet been looked at in person<ref>Carter 2019, 36</ref>.

Tools used during the excavation process included trowels, brushes, scoops, clippers (for roots) and mattocks( the later being particularly important in the upper soil<ref>Carter 2019, 42</ref>. Soil levels were excavated in c. 10 cm arbitrary levels and all soil was screened with ⅛ and ¼ inch screen. Soil was frequently damp and difficult to pass through the ⅛ inch screen hands (gloved) and trowels were used to push the soil into the screens<ref>Carter 2019, 42</ref>.

On the second day (9/23/2018), we headed for collier huts 6, 13 and 14 and associated charcoal hearths (1292). Dr. Carter had discovered collier’s hut #6 when confirming charcoal hearths in the surrounding area on 6/29/2018. However, on 9/19/2018, Kenney and Dr.Carter spent 1⁄2 day on the mountain. The goal was to set up the high resolution GPS. While doing this, however, it was discovered that not only was there one single collier’s hut (#6), but a total of three (the other two are #13 and #14). To have three collier’s huts in such close proximity to each other is unusual. This is also unusual because all other collier’s huts have been located on the flat top of the mountain, not on the slope, like 6, 13 and 14<ref>Carter 2019, 37</ref>.

Associate Professor of Anthropology at Muhlenberg College Benjamin Carter led a team of students for an archeological investigation in State Game Lands #217 in the Fall of 2018 to investigate the presence of Collier’s huts related to the Charcoal Hearths that operated in the area in the early to mid 1800s, before they were eventually replaced by coal furnaces in the late 1800s. (Source: Charcoal Lands: A report on archaeological investigations in State Games Lands #217, Fall 2018 Directed by Benjamin Carter, Associate Professor of Anthropology, Muhlenberg College, Written collaboratively by Benjamin Carter, Michaela Feinberg, Deborah Greider and Stuart Hanford, Submitted, September 24, 2019, Submitted to: Kevin Clouser, Manager, Pennsylvania State Game Lands #217, Mark Shaffer and Douglas McLearen, Pennsylvania Historic and Museum Commission)

The team decided to investigate 3 Collier’s huts on the side of a mountain using excavation.

It was unusual for 3 collier’s huts to be so close together and not on flat land.

They initially used mud maps to mark the location.

The team chose the hut location to excavate based on the one with the least vegetation.

They decided to excavate the “berm” area that would have been opposite the door opening. The team thought this might provide evidence of berm wall, post holes or trench. They used trowels, brushes, scoops, clippers for the roots and mattocks and excavated at 10cm levels. They used 1/8” and ¼” screens to sift the soil, but the soil was damp and had many small rocks so it was difficult to screen the soil.

No artifacts were actually found, but the team does believe they identified several other possible collier hut sites. A total of 206 points was collected which allowed the team to put together a Digital Elevation Model (DEM).

The team believes the collier huts were located in this area on a slope because there was originally a road nearby that was used to move charcoal down the mountain.

=Results=
Although excavation was extremely slow and artifacts were not recovered, important results were achieved from the work. Four new collier’s huts were identified in the field (8, 9, 13, and 14) and three more potential (10, 11, 12). Of the later three, 12 was later visited by Carter and determined to not be a collier’s hut<ref>Carter 2019, 43</ref>. In addition to identifying multiple collier's huts, collier’s huts 6, 13 and 14 along with charcoal hearth 1292 and the nearby historic road/path were mapped<ref>Carter 2019, 43</ref>. From this a total of 206 points were collected and a digital elevation model (DEM) was constructed and this allows the contours of both the charcoal hearths and huts to be visible on the DEM<ref>Carter 2019, 43</ref>,.
The archaeological work completed in this project contributes an improved understanding of the distribution of charcoal hearths, colliers huts, and roads. This helps us better understand the place in which the industry thrived as well as how the colliers utilized the landscape<ref>Carter 2019, 48-49</ref>.
==Notes==
<references />
==References==
*Carter, Benjamin. 2019. ''Charcoal Lands: A report on archaeological investigations in State Games Lands #217 Fall 2018.'' Allentown, PA: Muhlenberg College.

FieldWork 2016

2020-09-17T02:55:56Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Purpose of the work */

This page should focus only on what students and Dr. Carter did during the 2016 iteration of Field Archaeology. Content about charcoal, etc. should be on other pages.

Possible headers:

=Purpose of the work=
In 2016 during the fall semester, the Muhlenberg College Field Archaeology class conducted fieldwork on Pennsylvania State Game Lands 217 under the direction of Dr. Benjamin Carter, Associate Professor of Anthropology and Department Chair and an archaeologist at Muhlenberg.
By utilizing LiDAR data, pedestrian survey, and shovel test pits, the class intended to demonstrate the presence of the charcoal industry and the colliers and the way colliers used the landscape. By initiating this research, the group wanted to address possible reuse of pits, the area of timberland needed for each charcoal pit, and the possible existence of a temporary living structure for the colliers. Through research in this area, the goal was to illuminate the role of colliers in the Lehigh Valley and provide some insight into their lives.

During the fall semester of 2016 the Muhlenberg College Field Archaeology class conducted fieldwork on Pennsylvania State Game Lands 217 under the direction of Dr. Benjamin Carter, Assistant Professor of Anthropology and an archaeologist at Muhlenberg.The purpose of this research was to identify charcoal pits, the people who worked them, and the interrelationships of people and place with the industrial landscape of the Lehigh Valley’s iron industry. In doing so the aim was to provide insight into the lives of colliers, as charcoal-makers were known, working in the area, as well as, the processes for making charcoal and iron and the impact the industry had on the local community.

By initiating this research, the class wanted to address possible reuse of pits, the area of timberland needed for each charcoal pit, and the possible existence of a temporary living structure for the colliers. By attempting to identify and study charcoal pits in this area, the class hoped to illuminate the role of colliers in Lehigh Valley industry and provide some insight into their lives. By utilizing LiDAR data, pedestrian survey, and shovel test pits, we attempt to demonstrate the presence of the charcoal industry and the colliers and the way colliers used the landscape

=Plan=
To further students understanding of charcoal pits, the Muhlenberg Field Archaeology class studied the Blue Mountain land owned (at least partially) by the Balliets which was used for charcoal and iron production. During field work, different methods were utilized; including examination of LiDAR maps, pedestrian survey, shovel test pits, and metal detecting.

First, possible charcoal pits were identified using LiDAR (Light Detection and Ranging). LiDAR is a form of remote sensing that measures the height of the land surface and vegetation across an area using a plane containing a combination of GPS, sensors/lasers, and an IMU (inertial measurement unit). Following a workshop on LiDAR run by NEON and Open Topography, Dr.Carter was able to construct a DEM using the original LiDAR data (also available on PASDA Imagery Navigator) by using the Class 2 points, which are all of the ground (or “last return”) points. This allowed Carter to create a more complete hillshade and slope analysis that showed charcoal pits in greater detail and identified more pits than the initial PASDA LiDAR data. The next step was to confirm that the anomalies identified in the LiDAR data are the remains of charcoal pits. We utilized a GPS-guided pedestrian survey (Burke, Smith, and Zimmerman 2009; 70). The first day in the field, the class used GPS on a combination of iPads and Android devices in order to see how well the LiDAR matched with charcoal pits. Locations identified as charcoal pits in the LiDAR were loaded onto the devices. Using the GPS (Android devices had internal GPS, but external Bluetooth GPS units were needed for the iPads), the class walked to these locations to assess if they were charcoal pits. In two days of work, 12 LiDAR-identified pits (31, 39, 58, 40, 41, 15, 16, 17, 18, 8, 9, 3) were located and assessed. Two to three additional charcoal pits were also identified (1000, 1001, possibly, 1002) that were not present in the LiDAR data. In order to complete the survey, a web-based form through Kobo Toolbox was used.
Using the form, the class recorded: 1. Recorder; 2. Number from the LiDAR identifications; 3. Whether or not it was a likely charcoal pit; 4. Condition of the pit; 5. Location (GPS); 6. Size and orientation of the pits; 7. Presence or absence of a path/ road; 8. Presence or absence of ferns (this was originally thought to be an important signifier- it is not); 9. Any additional notes.

To further the understanding of charcoal pits, the Muhlenberg Field Archaeology class studied the Blue Mountain land owned (at least partially) by the Balliets and was used for charcoal and iron production. During the field work the class utilized several different methods including examination of LiDAR maps, pedestrian survey, shovel test pits, and metal detecting. First, possible charcoal pits were identified using LiDAR (Light Detection and Ranging). LiDAR is a form of remote sensing that measures the height of the land surface and vegetation across an area using a plane containing a combination of GPS, sensors/lasers, and an IMU (inertial measurement unit). A plane, whose precise location is known- thanks to the GPS (Global Positioning System) and IMU (Inertial Measurement Unit), flies over the terrain. A laser in the airplane projects a beam of light that bounces off objects. The time it takes the light to return to the sensor in the plane is used to calculate the distance the beam travelled (called a “return”). Equipment on the plane also records the location of the plane and the angle at which the beam is being shot. With all of this data, the precise location of laser “returns” can be calculated, constructing a point cloud that represents objects the lasers bounced off (NEON, 2014 “Basics”). For archaeologists, the “last” return, that is the lasers that bounce of the ground (rather than vegetation or buildings), are the most important because they can be used to provide very high resolution topography. Normally, point clouds are converted into digital elevation models (DEM), provides gridded coverage rather than a point cloud. These are normally viewed as hillshade models, which provide a view of the landscape created by applying a light source at a particular angle to the DEM (digital elevation model) (Carter 2016). Each pixel of the DEM, which originally represented height, is converted to a number dependent up the angle of the imaginary sun. This is much easier for the human eye to understand compared to the DEM. Importantly, both the DEM and the hillshade are available openly through the state of Pennsylvania on the PASDA Imagery Navigator (http://maps.psiee.psu.edu/ImageryNavigator/). The DEM was used to produce a slope analysis in QGIS. A slope analysis, looks at each pixel and, based upon the 8 pixels surrounding it, determines the slope of that pixel. The number associated with that pixel, therefore, becomes slope rather than altitude. The key is that flat areas will appear very different from slope.

Because charcoal pits are a round, perfectly level area approximately 10-15 meters across, they are easy to recognize in highly sloped terrains such as the slopes of the Blue Mountain. Charcoal pits are difficult to identify in areas were the slope is low, because one cannot differentiate them from the surrounding terrain. On LiDAR data, the charcoal pits appear as “eyes” or flattened ovals on sloped terrain due to the clearing and levelling of the site to make charcoal. Unfortunately, DEM provided by PASDA (and therefore the hillshade and the slope analysis) is constructed from only a sampling of last returns (“Class 8, Model Key (thinned-out ground points used to generate digital elevation models and contours.” PaDCNR n.d.), thereby reducing resolution. Following a workshop on LiDAR run by NEON and Open Topography, Carter was able to construct a DEM using the original LiDAR data (also available on PASDA Imagery Navigator) by using the Class 2 points, which are all of the ground (or “last return”) points. This allowed him to create a more complete hillshade and slope analysis that showed charcoal pits in greater detail and identified more pits than the initial PASDA LiDAR data (See Figures 9 and 10). Figure 11 shows the difference between the hillshade using Class 8 data and the slope analysis using Class 2 data.

=Fieldwork=
During our field work, several different methods, including the examination of LiDAR maps, pedestrian survey, shovel test pits, and even metal detecting were utilized. In order to identify charcoal pits not identified in the LiDAR, an area was chosen that was accessible and lacked LiDAR. In order to locate these pits, a systematic transect survey (a survey done by walking in lines across the area of interest) was performed. Once the locations were chosen, the site was cleared using a combination of rakes, clippers, and a machete. The debris was then placed several meters away from the pit so that it would not interfere with future STPs. The general area of fieldwork consisted of two main parts: an upper portion of the mountain characterized by steep, rocky slopes, and a lower area that was wooded with fairly dense vegetation. During the survey, approximately 100,000 meters of land was covered. Two of the locations identified in the systematic pedestrian survey were chosen for further investigation, this included detailed mapping, shovel test pits and a metal detecting survey. On October 30th, 2016 three metal detectorists, Glen Gunther, Tim Reno, and Bob Gunther, from BRAVO (Battlefield Restoration and Archaeology Volunteer Organization), including arrived to assist the team in identifying cultural remains. The metal detectorists swept both 1004 and 2001. When they located a possible artifact, the metal detectorists dug a small hole. As they dug, they utilized a tool called a pinpointer which is a smaller metal detector with a narrower magnetic field than the full-sized metal detector. This ensured that the metal detectorist was able to hone in on the original signal.

=Results=
This research has produced a new understanding of the charcoal & iron industry in Lehigh and Carbon Counties of Pennsylvania. A total of four artifacts were collected at all of the sites as a collective, however the relevance of the objects to the history of charcoal production is inadequate. This field work has highlighted four important components. First, the background research of charcoal production has revealed the many individuals and families involved in the production of iron. In particular, it has shown the power and influence of the Balliet family. Second, the class highlighted the less visible colliers, who were the backbone of the charcoal industry and, therefore, the iron industry. Thirdly, over 670 charcoal pits were identified on the slopes of the Blue Mountain and have ground-truthed some of these pits. Because of ground-truthing and the LiDAR data, it is likely that a large proportion of the identified charcoal hearths are just that. While it remains possible that there are LiDAR-recognized charcoal pits that are false positives, the vast majority of these pits are remnants of the charcoal industry. Fourth, the class tested and confirmed that the features identified in the LiDAR data are in fact charcoal hearths. However, no collier’s huts were identified.

More generally, this research has opened the avenues for further research; many questions remain. Where are the collier huts? What were the lives of the colliers like? How did roads and path connect the charcoal pits to the furnaces? Were forests managed? And if so, in what way? What additional remnants of this vast industry remain in the wild woods of State Game Lands?

=Notes=

=References=

FieldWork 2016

2020-09-17T02:33:38Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Purpose of the work */

This page should focus only on what students and Dr. Carter did during the 2016 iteration of Field Archaeology. Content about charcoal, etc. should be on other pages.

Possible headers:

=Purpose of the work=
In 2016 during the fall semester, the Muhlenberg College Field Archaeology class conducted fieldwork on Pennsylvania State Game Lands 217 under the direction of Dr. Benjamin Carter, Associate Professor of Anthropology and Department Chair and an archaeologist at Muhlenberg.
By utilizing LiDAR data, pedestrian survey, and shovel test pits, the class intended to demonstrate the presence of the charcoal industry and the colliers and the way colliers used the landscape. By initiating this research, the group wanted to address possible reuse of pits, the area of timberland needed for each charcoal pit, and the possible existence of a temporary living structure for the colliers. Through research in this area, the goal was to illuminate the role of colliers in the Lehigh Valley and provide some insight into their lives.

During the fall semester of 2016 the Muhlenberg College Field Archaeology class conducted fieldwork on Pennsylvania State Game Lands 217 under the direction of Dr. Benjamin Carter, Assistant Professor of Anthropology and an archaeologist at Muhlenberg. In the Lehigh Valley, the Balliet family was central to the production of charcoal iron and owned two furnaces and a forge (East Penn Furnace and Forge and Lehigh Furnace; see Figure 1).The purpose of this research was to identify charcoal pits, the people who worked them, and the interrelationships of people and place with the industrial landscape of the Lehigh Valley’s iron industry. In doing so the aim was to provide insight into the lives of colliers, as charcoal-makers were known, working in the area, as well as, the processes for making charcoal and iron and the impact the industry had on the local community.

By initiating this research, the class wanted to address possible reuse of pits, the area of timberland needed for each charcoal pit, and the possible existence of a temporary living structure for the colliers. By attempting to identify and study charcoal pits in this area, the class hoped to illuminate the role of colliers in Lehigh Valley industry and provide some insight into their lives. By utilizing LiDAR data, pedestrian survey, and shovel test pits, we attempt to demonstrate the presence of the charcoal industry and the colliers and the way colliers used the landscape

=Plan=
To further students understanding of charcoal pits, the Muhlenberg Field Archaeology class studied the Blue Mountain land owned (at least partially) by the Balliets which was used for charcoal and iron production. During field work, different methods were utilized; including examination of LiDAR maps, pedestrian survey, shovel test pits, and metal detecting.

First, possible charcoal pits were identified using LiDAR (Light Detection and Ranging). LiDAR is a form of remote sensing that measures the height of the land surface and vegetation across an area using a plane containing a combination of GPS, sensors/lasers, and an IMU (inertial measurement unit). Following a workshop on LiDAR run by NEON and Open Topography, Dr.Carter was able to construct a DEM using the original LiDAR data (also available on PASDA Imagery Navigator) by using the Class 2 points, which are all of the ground (or “last return”) points. This allowed Carter to create a more complete hillshade and slope analysis that showed charcoal pits in greater detail and identified more pits than the initial PASDA LiDAR data. The next step was to confirm that the anomalies identified in the LiDAR data are the remains of charcoal pits. We utilized a GPS-guided pedestrian survey (Burke, Smith, and Zimmerman 2009; 70). The first day in the field, the class used GPS on a combination of iPads and Android devices in order to see how well the LiDAR matched with charcoal pits. Locations identified as charcoal pits in the LiDAR were loaded onto the devices. Using the GPS (Android devices had internal GPS, but external Bluetooth GPS units were needed for the iPads), the class walked to these locations to assess if they were charcoal pits. In two days of work, 12 LiDAR-identified pits (31, 39, 58, 40, 41, 15, 16, 17, 18, 8, 9, 3) were located and assessed. Two to three additional charcoal pits were also identified (1000, 1001, possibly, 1002) that were not present in the LiDAR data. In order to complete the survey, a web-based form through Kobo Toolbox was used.
Using the form, the class recorded: 1. Recorder; 2. Number from the LiDAR identifications; 3. Whether or not it was a likely charcoal pit; 4. Condition of the pit; 5. Location (GPS); 6. Size and orientation of the pits; 7. Presence or absence of a path/ road; 8. Presence or absence of ferns (this was originally thought to be an important signifier- it is not); 9. Any additional notes.

To further the understanding of charcoal pits, the Muhlenberg Field Archaeology class studied the Blue Mountain land owned (at least partially) by the Balliets and was used for charcoal and iron production. During the field work the class utilized several different methods including examination of LiDAR maps, pedestrian survey, shovel test pits, and metal detecting. First, possible charcoal pits were identified using LiDAR (Light Detection and Ranging). LiDAR is a form of remote sensing that measures the height of the land surface and vegetation across an area using a plane containing a combination of GPS, sensors/lasers, and an IMU (inertial measurement unit). A plane, whose precise location is known- thanks to the GPS (Global Positioning System) and IMU (Inertial Measurement Unit), flies over the terrain. A laser in the airplane projects a beam of light that bounces off objects. The time it takes the light to return to the sensor in the plane is used to calculate the distance the beam travelled (called a “return”). Equipment on the plane also records the location of the plane and the angle at which the beam is being shot. With all of this data, the precise location of laser “returns” can be calculated, constructing a point cloud that represents objects the lasers bounced off (NEON, 2014 “Basics”). For archaeologists, the “last” return, that is the lasers that bounce of the ground (rather than vegetation or buildings), are the most important because they can be used to provide very high resolution topography. Normally, point clouds are converted into digital elevation models (DEM), provides gridded coverage rather than a point cloud. These are normally viewed as hillshade models, which provide a view of the landscape created by applying a light source at a particular angle to the DEM (digital elevation model) (Carter 2016). Each pixel of the DEM, which originally represented height, is converted to a number dependent up the angle of the imaginary sun. This is much easier for the human eye to understand compared to the DEM. Importantly, both the DEM and the hillshade are available openly through the state of Pennsylvania on the PASDA Imagery Navigator (http://maps.psiee.psu.edu/ImageryNavigator/). The DEM was used to produce a slope analysis in QGIS. A slope analysis, looks at each pixel and, based upon the 8 pixels surrounding it, determines the slope of that pixel. The number associated with that pixel, therefore, becomes slope rather than altitude. The key is that flat areas will appear very different from slope.

Because charcoal pits are a round, perfectly level area approximately 10-15 meters across, they are easy to recognize in highly sloped terrains such as the slopes of the Blue Mountain. Charcoal pits are difficult to identify in areas were the slope is low, because one cannot differentiate them from the surrounding terrain. On LiDAR data, the charcoal pits appear as “eyes” or flattened ovals on sloped terrain due to the clearing and levelling of the site to make charcoal. Unfortunately, DEM provided by PASDA (and therefore the hillshade and the slope analysis) is constructed from only a sampling of last returns (“Class 8, Model Key (thinned-out ground points used to generate digital elevation models and contours.” PaDCNR n.d.), thereby reducing resolution. Following a workshop on LiDAR run by NEON and Open Topography, Carter was able to construct a DEM using the original LiDAR data (also available on PASDA Imagery Navigator) by using the Class 2 points, which are all of the ground (or “last return”) points. This allowed him to create a more complete hillshade and slope analysis that showed charcoal pits in greater detail and identified more pits than the initial PASDA LiDAR data (See Figures 9 and 10). Figure 11 shows the difference between the hillshade using Class 8 data and the slope analysis using Class 2 data.

=Fieldwork=
During our field work, several different methods, including the examination of LiDAR maps, pedestrian survey, shovel test pits, and even metal detecting were utilized. In order to identify charcoal pits not identified in the LiDAR, an area was chosen that was accessible and lacked LiDAR. In order to locate these pits, a systematic transect survey (a survey done by walking in lines across the area of interest) was performed. Once the locations were chosen, the site was cleared using a combination of rakes, clippers, and a machete. The debris was then placed several meters away from the pit so that it would not interfere with future STPs. The general area of fieldwork consisted of two main parts: an upper portion of the mountain characterized by steep, rocky slopes, and a lower area that was wooded with fairly dense vegetation. During the survey, approximately 100,000 meters of land was covered. Two of the locations identified in the systematic pedestrian survey were chosen for further investigation, this included detailed mapping, shovel test pits and a metal detecting survey. On October 30th, 2016 three metal detectorists, Glen Gunther, Tim Reno, and Bob Gunther, from BRAVO (Battlefield Restoration and Archaeology Volunteer Organization), including arrived to assist the team in identifying cultural remains. The metal detectorists swept both 1004 and 2001. When they located a possible artifact, the metal detectorists dug a small hole. As they dug, they utilized a tool called a pinpointer which is a smaller metal detector with a narrower magnetic field than the full-sized metal detector. This ensured that the metal detectorist was able to hone in on the original signal.

=Results=
This research has produced a new understanding of the charcoal & iron industry in Lehigh and Carbon Counties of Pennsylvania. A total of four artifacts were collected at all of the sites as a collective, however the relevance of the objects to the history of charcoal production is inadequate. This field work has highlighted four important components. First, the background research of charcoal production has revealed the many individuals and families involved in the production of iron. In particular, it has shown the power and influence of the Balliet family. Second, the class highlighted the less visible colliers, who were the backbone of the charcoal industry and, therefore, the iron industry. Thirdly, over 670 charcoal pits were identified on the slopes of the Blue Mountain and have ground-truthed some of these pits. Because of ground-truthing and the LiDAR data, it is likely that a large proportion of the identified charcoal hearths are just that. While it remains possible that there are LiDAR-recognized charcoal pits that are false positives, the vast majority of these pits are remnants of the charcoal industry. Fourth, the class tested and confirmed that the features identified in the LiDAR data are in fact charcoal hearths. However, no collier’s huts were identified.

More generally, this research has opened the avenues for further research; many questions remain. Where are the collier huts? What were the lives of the colliers like? How did roads and path connect the charcoal pits to the furnaces? Were forests managed? And if so, in what way? What additional remnants of this vast industry remain in the wild woods of State Game Lands?

=Notes=

=References=

FieldWork 2016

2020-09-17T02:11:15Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Purpose of the work */

This page should focus only on what students and Dr. Carter did during the 2016 iteration of Field Archaeology. Content about charcoal, etc. should be on other pages.

Possible headers:

=Purpose of the work=
In 2016 during the fall semester, the Muhlenberg College Field Archaeology class conducted fieldwork on Pennsylvania State Game Lands 217 under the direction of Dr. Benjamin Carter, Associate Professor of Anthropology and Department Chair and an archaeologist at Muhlenberg.
By utilizing LiDAR data, pedestrian survey, and shovel test pits, the class intended to demonstrate the presence of the charcoal industry and the colliers and the way colliers used the landscape. By initiating this research, the group wanted to address possible reuse of pits, the area of timberland needed for each charcoal pit, and the possible existence of a temporary living structure for the colliers. Through research in this area, the goal was to illuminate the role of colliers in the Lehigh Valley and provide some insight into their lives.

During the fall semester of 2016 the Muhlenberg College Field Archaeology class conducted fieldwork on Pennsylvania State Game Lands 217 under the direction of Dr. Benjamin Carter, Assistant Professor of Anthropology and an archaeologist at Muhlenberg. In the Lehigh Valley, the Balliet family was central to the production of charcoal iron and owned two furnaces and a forge (East Penn Furnace and Forge and Lehigh Furnace; see Figure 1).The purpose of this research was to identify charcoal pits, the people who worked them, and the interrelationships of people and place with the industrial landscape of the Lehigh Valley’s iron industry. In doing so the aim was to provide insight into the lives of colliers, as charcoal-makers were known, working in the area, as well as, the processes for making charcoal and iron and the impact the industry had on the local community.

By initiating this research, the class wanted to address possible reuse of pits, the area of timberland needed for each charcoal pit, and the possible existence of a temporary living structure for the colliers. By attempting to identify and study charcoal pits in this area, the class hoped to illuminate the role of colliers in Lehigh Valley industry and provide some insight into their lives.

=Plan=
To further students understanding of charcoal pits, the Muhlenberg Field Archaeology class studied the Blue Mountain land owned (at least partially) by the Balliets which was used for charcoal and iron production. During field work, different methods were utilized; including examination of LiDAR maps, pedestrian survey, shovel test pits, and metal detecting.

First, possible charcoal pits were identified using LiDAR (Light Detection and Ranging). LiDAR is a form of remote sensing that measures the height of the land surface and vegetation across an area using a plane containing a combination of GPS, sensors/lasers, and an IMU (inertial measurement unit). Following a workshop on LiDAR run by NEON and Open Topography, Dr.Carter was able to construct a DEM using the original LiDAR data (also available on PASDA Imagery Navigator) by using the Class 2 points, which are all of the ground (or “last return”) points. This allowed Carter to create a more complete hillshade and slope analysis that showed charcoal pits in greater detail and identified more pits than the initial PASDA LiDAR data. The next step was to confirm that the anomalies identified in the LiDAR data are the remains of charcoal pits. We utilized a GPS-guided pedestrian survey (Burke, Smith, and Zimmerman 2009; 70). The first day in the field, the class used GPS on a combination of iPads and Android devices in order to see how well the LiDAR matched with charcoal pits. Locations identified as charcoal pits in the LiDAR were loaded onto the devices. Using the GPS (Android devices had internal GPS, but external Bluetooth GPS units were needed for the iPads), the class walked to these locations to assess if they were charcoal pits. In two days of work, 12 LiDAR-identified pits (31, 39, 58, 40, 41, 15, 16, 17, 18, 8, 9, 3) were located and assessed. Two to three additional charcoal pits were also identified (1000, 1001, possibly, 1002) that were not present in the LiDAR data. In order to complete the survey, a web-based form through Kobo Toolbox was used.
Using the form, the class recorded: 1. Recorder; 2. Number from the LiDAR identifications; 3. Whether or not it was a likely charcoal pit; 4. Condition of the pit; 5. Location (GPS); 6. Size and orientation of the pits; 7. Presence or absence of a path/ road; 8. Presence or absence of ferns (this was originally thought to be an important signifier- it is not); 9. Any additional notes.

To further the understanding of charcoal pits, the Muhlenberg Field Archaeology class studied the Blue Mountain land owned (at least partially) by the Balliets and was used for charcoal and iron production. During the field work the class utilized several different methods including examination of LiDAR maps, pedestrian survey, shovel test pits, and metal detecting. First, possible charcoal pits were identified using LiDAR (Light Detection and Ranging). LiDAR is a form of remote sensing that measures the height of the land surface and vegetation across an area using a plane containing a combination of GPS, sensors/lasers, and an IMU (inertial measurement unit). A plane, whose precise location is known- thanks to the GPS (Global Positioning System) and IMU (Inertial Measurement Unit), flies over the terrain. A laser in the airplane projects a beam of light that bounces off objects. The time it takes the light to return to the sensor in the plane is used to calculate the distance the beam travelled (called a “return”). Equipment on the plane also records the location of the plane and the angle at which the beam is being shot. With all of this data, the precise location of laser “returns” can be calculated, constructing a point cloud that represents objects the lasers bounced off (NEON, 2014 “Basics”). For archaeologists, the “last” return, that is the lasers that bounce of the ground (rather than vegetation or buildings), are the most important because they can be used to provide very high resolution topography. Normally, point clouds are converted into digital elevation models (DEM), provides gridded coverage rather than a point cloud. These are normally viewed as hillshade models, which provide a view of the landscape created by applying a light source at a particular angle to the DEM (digital elevation model) (Carter 2016). Each pixel of the DEM, which originally represented height, is converted to a number dependent up the angle of the imaginary sun. This is much easier for the human eye to understand compared to the DEM. Importantly, both the DEM and the hillshade are available openly through the state of Pennsylvania on the PASDA Imagery Navigator (http://maps.psiee.psu.edu/ImageryNavigator/). The DEM was used to produce a slope analysis in QGIS. A slope analysis, looks at each pixel and, based upon the 8 pixels surrounding it, determines the slope of that pixel. The number associated with that pixel, therefore, becomes slope rather than altitude. The key is that flat areas will appear very different from slope.

Because charcoal pits are a round, perfectly level area approximately 10-15 meters across, they are easy to recognize in highly sloped terrains such as the slopes of the Blue Mountain. Charcoal pits are difficult to identify in areas were the slope is low, because one cannot differentiate them from the surrounding terrain. On LiDAR data, the charcoal pits appear as “eyes” or flattened ovals on sloped terrain due to the clearing and levelling of the site to make charcoal. Unfortunately, DEM provided by PASDA (and therefore the hillshade and the slope analysis) is constructed from only a sampling of last returns (“Class 8, Model Key (thinned-out ground points used to generate digital elevation models and contours.” PaDCNR n.d.), thereby reducing resolution. Following a workshop on LiDAR run by NEON and Open Topography, Carter was able to construct a DEM using the original LiDAR data (also available on PASDA Imagery Navigator) by using the Class 2 points, which are all of the ground (or “last return”) points. This allowed him to create a more complete hillshade and slope analysis that showed charcoal pits in greater detail and identified more pits than the initial PASDA LiDAR data (See Figures 9 and 10). Figure 11 shows the difference between the hillshade using Class 8 data and the slope analysis using Class 2 data.

=Fieldwork=
During our field work, several different methods, including the examination of LiDAR maps, pedestrian survey, shovel test pits, and even metal detecting were utilized. In order to identify charcoal pits not identified in the LiDAR, an area was chosen that was accessible and lacked LiDAR. In order to locate these pits, a systematic transect survey (a survey done by walking in lines across the area of interest) was performed. Once the locations were chosen, the site was cleared using a combination of rakes, clippers, and a machete. The debris was then placed several meters away from the pit so that it would not interfere with future STPs. The general area of fieldwork consisted of two main parts: an upper portion of the mountain characterized by steep, rocky slopes, and a lower area that was wooded with fairly dense vegetation. During the survey, approximately 100,000 meters of land was covered. Two of the locations identified in the systematic pedestrian survey were chosen for further investigation, this included detailed mapping, shovel test pits and a metal detecting survey. On October 30th, 2016 three metal detectorists, Glen Gunther, Tim Reno, and Bob Gunther, from BRAVO (Battlefield Restoration and Archaeology Volunteer Organization), including arrived to assist the team in identifying cultural remains. The metal detectorists swept both 1004 and 2001. When they located a possible artifact, the metal detectorists dug a small hole. As they dug, they utilized a tool called a pinpointer which is a smaller metal detector with a narrower magnetic field than the full-sized metal detector. This ensured that the metal detectorist was able to hone in on the original signal.

=Results=
This research has produced a new understanding of the charcoal & iron industry in Lehigh and Carbon Counties of Pennsylvania. A total of four artifacts were collected at all of the sites as a collective, however the relevance of the objects to the history of charcoal production is inadequate. This field work has highlighted four important components. First, the background research of charcoal production has revealed the many individuals and families involved in the production of iron. In particular, it has shown the power and influence of the Balliet family. Second, the class highlighted the less visible colliers, who were the backbone of the charcoal industry and, therefore, the iron industry. Thirdly, over 670 charcoal pits were identified on the slopes of the Blue Mountain and have ground-truthed some of these pits. Because of ground-truthing and the LiDAR data, it is likely that a large proportion of the identified charcoal hearths are just that. While it remains possible that there are LiDAR-recognized charcoal pits that are false positives, the vast majority of these pits are remnants of the charcoal industry. Fourth, the class tested and confirmed that the features identified in the LiDAR data are in fact charcoal hearths. However, no collier’s huts were identified.

More generally, this research has opened the avenues for further research; many questions remain. Where are the collier huts? What were the lives of the colliers like? How did roads and path connect the charcoal pits to the furnaces? Were forests managed? And if so, in what way? What additional remnants of this vast industry remain in the wild woods of State Game Lands?

=Notes=

=References=

Collier huts

2020-09-17T01:57:44Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Collier Homes and Villages */

==Construction==
While producing charcoal, colliers stayed in temporary huts they constructed located near their hearths<ref> Walker 1966, 242</ref>. Colliers tended to multiple charcoal hearths while they lived on the mountain<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. Each hearth took approximately two weeks to complete. A collier would mind a hearth closely for the first couple of days; after that, he would spend time starting a new hearth. Colliers could typically tend up to eight hearths at a time<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>.Collier huts were conical<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 58</ref>, with a base eight feet across and ten feet high<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. And while the the conically shaped hut was the standard for colliers, regional variations in style existed<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 63</ref>. Similarly constructed huts can be identified throughout European as they were built for various purposes, however in more recent times these structures have been primarily used by charcoal burners and shepherds<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 63</ref>. The area where a collier decided to construct his hut was cleared of anything that would make the ground uneven, such as brush, stones, or stumps<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. A master collier and one or two helpers "coaled" together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. <ref> National Park Service 1941, 13</ref>. Three inch poles that sloped inward, crossed at the apex<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 58</ref>, and were bound at the top were used as the basic structure for the huts and the spaces between the poles were filled in with smaller pieces of wood. Leaves and soil were packed in to act as insulation by filling in the gaps between posts<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. Additionally, collier huts consisted of: a hearth; a small door which hung on framework<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 60</ref> and was approximately four to six feet in height<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 62</ref>, and cots constructed out of logs<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. When identifying the remains of a collier hut, important features to look for are: a trench; a berm, which may have an opening where the door would have been; and a circular depression in the center<ref>Carter et al. 2019, 43-44</ref>. Another means of identifying collier huts in the archaeological record would be to look for a raised ring of turf around the central depression. This ring of turf is the product of insulation sliding off the roof of a dilapidated collier hut<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 65</ref>.

Although the conical style hut probably originated in a number of different places, the particular variety used by the charcoal burners may have spread from a single source <ref> Walton 1958, 64</ref>. Colliers huts have been found around the world <ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 58</ref>. "In Britain, this dwelling type has survived until quite recently in the huts of the charcoal burners" <ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 58</ref>. The forest charcoal burners have preserved the pre-historic hut, in its simplest and most primitive form, from the days of the Stone Age. <ref>Warren 1941, 68</ref> in addition to rough log bunks, a Collier's hut contained a wood stove <ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>.

==Location==
A collier would construct his hut in a location as central to the charcoal pits he was burning as possible, and would have laid out the hut so that the wooden door, which was large enough for one man to fit through<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>, faced the pits<ref>Walker 1966, 242</ref>. Throughout the [[charcoal production]] process, the charcoal hearths required constant tending to throughout the day and night. If a collier let the fire consume his wood completely, he would be charged for its loss; so proximity to one's hearths was very important<ref>Walker 1966, 247</ref>. The indication of a good collier was one who obtained a high-yield of quality charcoal from the wood he used<ref>Walker 1966, 245</ref>.

The collier was a very important workman, controlling to some degree the quality and quantity of the furnace product<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>.

==Collier Homes and Villages==
When speaking about the Hopewell Village in Pennsylvania the charcoal furnace workers typically lived in special villages that were designed to accommodate both single and married workers and that were located far from surrounding towns, so as to be closer to their work. While these villages provided many workers with the necessary resources to survive, they were too remote for other workers to live in. Some single men rented houses or boarded in mansions in which they hired a woman to take care of them. For example, furnace employees were needed near the furnace while others were needed at the coaling pits that were located far away from the villages: Meaning that instead of living in the villages, many colliers worked closer to their specific area of work. The house nearest the furnace is called for identification purposes by the National Park Service Tenant House Number 1.<ref>Walker 1966, 99-272</ref>

Each apartment has a front and a rear door, two rooms on the first floor, two on the second and one on the third. Each side also has its stairway near the center of the house from the cellar to the third floor and a chimney serving a first floor fireplace. It is believed that some of the tenants' houses had yards surrounded by picket fences that served as an area to grow vegetables and keep pigs and cows.

It was recorded that the small stores in the villages only sold melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, much pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage, meaning that the families probably raised the rest of what they ate. Additionally, the rent for houses was between $12 to $25 per year while others were as high as $45 per year. Housing at the Hopewell furnace varied widely from the “luxury of the iron master's mansion” to the “makeshift accommodations of John Roberts in the brick kiln.” All in all there has been no evidence of terribly poor conditions despite the variety.<ref>Walker 1966, 99-272</ref>

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
* Carter, Benjamin, Michaela Feinberg, Deborah Grieder, and Stuart Hanford. 2019. ''Charcoal Lands: A report on archaeological investigations in State Games Lands #217, Fall 2018.''
* Hazzledine Warren S.: 'Charcoal Burners in Epping Forest; their Primitive Hut and the Formation of Hut-Circles', Essex Naturalist, Vol. XVI, 1910
* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.
* Peate, Iorwerth C. and James Walton. 1958. "Charcoal Burners Huts." ''Gerwin,'' Vol. 2 (2), 58-67.
* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Collier huts

2020-09-17T01:50:20Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Construction */

==Construction==
While producing charcoal, colliers stayed in temporary huts they constructed located near their hearths<ref> Walker 1966, 242</ref>. Colliers tended to multiple charcoal hearths while they lived on the mountain<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. Each hearth took approximately two weeks to complete. A collier would mind a hearth closely for the first couple of days; after that, he would spend time starting a new hearth. Colliers could typically tend up to eight hearths at a time<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>.Collier huts were conical<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 58</ref>, with a base eight feet across and ten feet high<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. And while the the conically shaped hut was the standard for colliers, regional variations in style existed<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 63</ref>. Similarly constructed huts can be identified throughout European as they were built for various purposes, however in more recent times these structures have been primarily used by charcoal burners and shepherds<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 63</ref>. The area where a collier decided to construct his hut was cleared of anything that would make the ground uneven, such as brush, stones, or stumps<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. A master collier and one or two helpers "coaled" together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. <ref> National Park Service 1941, 13</ref>. Three inch poles that sloped inward, crossed at the apex<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 58</ref>, and were bound at the top were used as the basic structure for the huts and the spaces between the poles were filled in with smaller pieces of wood. Leaves and soil were packed in to act as insulation by filling in the gaps between posts<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. Additionally, collier huts consisted of: a hearth; a small door which hung on framework<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 60</ref> and was approximately four to six feet in height<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 62</ref>, and cots constructed out of logs<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. When identifying the remains of a collier hut, important features to look for are: a trench; a berm, which may have an opening where the door would have been; and a circular depression in the center<ref>Carter et al. 2019, 43-44</ref>. Another means of identifying collier huts in the archaeological record would be to look for a raised ring of turf around the central depression. This ring of turf is the product of insulation sliding off the roof of a dilapidated collier hut<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 65</ref>.

Although the conical style hut probably originated in a number of different places, the particular variety used by the charcoal burners may have spread from a single source <ref> Walton 1958, 64</ref>. Colliers huts have been found around the world <ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 58</ref>. "In Britain, this dwelling type has survived until quite recently in the huts of the charcoal burners" <ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 58</ref>. The forest charcoal burners have preserved the pre-historic hut, in its simplest and most primitive form, from the days of the Stone Age. <ref>Warren 1941, 68</ref> in addition to rough log bunks, a Collier's hut contained a wood stove <ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>.

==Location==
A collier would construct his hut in a location as central to the charcoal pits he was burning as possible, and would have laid out the hut so that the wooden door, which was large enough for one man to fit through<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>, faced the pits<ref>Walker 1966, 242</ref>. Throughout the [[charcoal production]] process, the charcoal hearths required constant tending to throughout the day and night. If a collier let the fire consume his wood completely, he would be charged for its loss; so proximity to one's hearths was very important<ref>Walker 1966, 247</ref>. The indication of a good collier was one who obtained a high-yield of quality charcoal from the wood he used<ref>Walker 1966, 245</ref>.

The collier was a very important workman, controlling to some degree the quality and quantity of the furnace product<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>.

==Collier Homes and Villages==
When speaking about the Hopewell Village in Pennsylvania the charcoal furnace workers typically lived in special villages that were designed to accommodate both single and married workers and that were located far from surrounding towns, so as to be closer to their work. While these villages provided many workers with the necessary resources to survive, they were too remote for other workers to live in. Some single men rented houses or boarded in mansions in which they hired a woman to take care of them. For example, furnace employees were needed near the furnace while others were needed at the coaling pits that were located far away from the villages: Meaning that instead of living in the villages, many colliers worked closer to their specific area of work. The house nearest the furnace is called for identification purposes by the National Park Service Tenant House Number 1.

<ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>

Each apartment has a front and a rear door, two rooms on the first floor, two on the second and one on the third. Each side also has its stairway near the center of the house from the cellar to the third floor and a chimney serving a first floor fireplace. It is believed that some of the tenants' houses had yards surrounded by picket fences that served as an area to grow vegetables and keep pigs and cows.

It was recorded that the small stores in the villages only sold melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, much pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage, meaning that the families probably raised the rest of what they ate. Additionally, the rent for houses was between $12 to $25 per year while others were as high as $45 per year. Housing at the Hopewell furnace varied widely from the “luxury of the iron master's mansion” to the “makeshift accommodations of John Roberts in the brick kiln.” All in all there has been no evidence of terribly poor conditions despite the variety.

<ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
* Carter, Benjamin, Michaela Feinberg, Deborah Grieder, and Stuart Hanford. 2019. ''Charcoal Lands: A report on archaeological investigations in State Games Lands #217, Fall 2018.''
* Hazzledine Warren S.: 'Charcoal Burners in Epping Forest; their Primitive Hut and the Formation of Hut-Circles', Essex Naturalist, Vol. XVI, 1910
* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.
* Peate, Iorwerth C. and James Walton. 1958. "Charcoal Burners Huts." ''Gerwin,'' Vol. 2 (2), 58-67.
* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Collier huts

2020-09-17T01:45:54Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Construction */

==Construction==
While producing charcoal, colliers stayed in temporary huts they constructed located near their hearths<ref> Walker 1966, 242</ref>. Colliers tended to multiple charcoal hearths while they lived on the mountain<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. Each hearth took approximately two weeks to complete. A collier would mind a hearth closely for the first couple of days; after that, he would spend time starting a new hearth. Colliers could typically tend up to eight hearths at a time<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>.Collier huts were conical<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 58</ref>, with a base eight feet across and ten feet high<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. And while the the conically shaped hut was the standard for colliers, regional variations in style existed<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 63</ref>. Similarly constructed huts can be identified throughout European as they were built for various purposes, however in more recent times these structures have been primarily used by charcoal burners and shepherds<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 63</ref>. The area where a collier decided to construct his hut was cleared of anything that would make the ground uneven, such as brush, stones, or stumps<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. A master collier and one or two helpers "coaled" together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. <ref> National Park Service 1941, 13</ref>. Three inch poles that sloped inward, crossed at the apex<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 58</ref>, and were bound at the top were used as the basic structure for the huts and the spaces between the poles were filled in with smaller pieces of wood. Leaves and soil were packed in to act as insulation by filling in the gaps between posts<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. Additionally, collier huts consisted of: a hearth; a small door which hung on framework<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 60</ref> and was approximately four to six feet in height<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 62</ref>, and cots constructed out of logs<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. When identifying the remains of a collier hut, important features to look for are: a trench; a berm, which may have an opening where the door would have been; and a circular depression in the center<ref>Carter et al. 2019, 43-44</ref>. Another means of identifying collier huts in the archaeological record would be to look for a raised ring of turf around the central depression. This ring of turf is the product of insulation sliding off the roof of a dilapidated collier hut<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 65</ref>.

Although the conical style hut probably originated in a number of different places, the particular variety used by the charcoal burners may have spread from a single source <ref> Walton 1958, 64</ref>. Colliers huts have been found around the world <ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 58</ref>. "In Britain, this dwelling type has survived until quite recently in the huts of the charcoal burners" <ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 58</ref>. The forest charcoal burners have preserved the pre-historic hut, in its simplest and most primitive form, from the days of the Stone Age. (Hazzledine Warren S.: 'Charcoal Burners in Epping Forest; their Primitive Hut and the Formation of Hut-Circles', Essex Naturalist, Vol. XVI, 1910, p. 68) n addition to rough log bunks, a Collier's hut contained a wood stove <ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>.

==Location==
A collier would construct his hut in a location as central to the charcoal pits he was burning as possible, and would have laid out the hut so that the wooden door, which was large enough for one man to fit through<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>, faced the pits<ref>Walker 1966, 242</ref>. Throughout the [[charcoal production]] process, the charcoal hearths required constant tending to throughout the day and night. If a collier let the fire consume his wood completely, he would be charged for its loss; so proximity to one's hearths was very important<ref>Walker 1966, 247</ref>. The indication of a good collier was one who obtained a high-yield of quality charcoal from the wood he used<ref>Walker 1966, 245</ref>.

The collier was a very important workman, controlling to some degree the quality and quantity of the furnace product<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>.

==Collier Homes and Villages==
When speaking about the Hopewell Village in Pennsylvania the charcoal furnace workers typically lived in special villages that were designed to accommodate both single and married workers and that were located far from surrounding towns, so as to be closer to their work. While these villages provided many workers with the necessary resources to survive, they were too remote for other workers to live in. Some single men rented houses or boarded in mansions in which they hired a woman to take care of them. For example, furnace employees were needed near the furnace while others were needed at the coaling pits that were located far away from the villages: Meaning that instead of living in the villages, many colliers worked closer to their specific area of work. The house nearest the furnace is called for identification purposes by the National Park Service Tenant House Number 1.

<ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>

Each apartment has a front and a rear door, two rooms on the first floor, two on the second and one on the third. Each side also has its stairway near the center of the house from the cellar to the third floor and a chimney serving a first floor fireplace. It is believed that some of the tenants' houses had yards surrounded by picket fences that served as an area to grow vegetables and keep pigs and cows.

It was recorded that the small stores in the villages only sold melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, much pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage, meaning that the families probably raised the rest of what they ate. Additionally, the rent for houses was between $12 to $25 per year while others were as high as $45 per year. Housing at the Hopewell furnace varied widely from the “luxury of the iron master's mansion” to the “makeshift accommodations of John Roberts in the brick kiln.” All in all there has been no evidence of terribly poor conditions despite the variety.

<ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
* Carter, Benjamin, Michaela Feinberg, Deborah Grieder, and Stuart Hanford. 2019. ''Charcoal Lands: A report on archaeological investigations in State Games Lands #217, Fall 2018.''
* Hazzledine Warren S.: 'Charcoal Burners in Epping Forest; their Primitive Hut and the Formation of Hut-Circles', Essex Naturalist, Vol. XVI, 1910
* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.
* Peate, Iorwerth C. and James Walton. 1958. "Charcoal Burners Huts." ''Gerwin,'' Vol. 2 (2), 58-67.
* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Collier huts

2020-09-17T01:30:04Z

Ajroberts2021:

==Construction==
While producing charcoal, colliers stayed in temporary huts they constructed located near their hearths<ref> Walker 1966, 242</ref>. Colliers tended to multiple charcoal hearths while they lived on the mountain<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. Each hearth took approximately two weeks to complete. A collier would mind a hearth closely for the first couple of days; after that, he would spend time starting a new hearth. Colliers could typically tend up to eight hearths at a time<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>.Collier huts were conical<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 58</ref>, with a base eight feet across and ten feet high<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. And while the the conically shaped hut was the standard for colliers, regional variations in style existed<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 63</ref>. Similarly constructed huts can be identified throughout European as they were built for various purposes, however in more recent times these structures have been primarily used by charcoal burners and shepherds<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 63</ref>. The area where a collier decided to construct his hut was cleared of anything that would make the ground uneven, such as brush, stones, or stumps<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. A master collier and one or two helpers "coaled" together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. <ref> National Park Service 1941, 13</ref>. Three inch poles that sloped inward, crossed at the apex<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 58</ref>, and were bound at the top were used as the basic structure for the huts and the spaces between the poles were filled in with smaller pieces of wood. Leaves and soil were packed in to act as insulation by filling in the gaps between posts<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. Additionally, collier huts consisted of: a hearth; a small door which hung on framework<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 60</ref> and was approximately four to six feet in height<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 62</ref>, and cots constructed out of logs<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. When identifying the remains of a collier hut, important features to look for are: a trench; a berm, which may have an opening where the door would have been; and a circular depression in the center<ref>Carter et al. 2019, 43-44</ref>. Another means of identifying collier huts in the archaeological record would be to look for a raised ring of turf around the central depression. This ring of turf is the product of insulation sliding off the roof of a dilapidated collier hut<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 65</ref>.

Although the conical style hut probably originated in a number of different places, the particular variety used by the charcoal burners may have spread from a single source <ref> Walton 1958, 64</ref>. Colliers huts have been found around the world (pg. 58, Gwerin) "In Britain, this dwelling type has survived until quite recently in the huts of the charcoal burners" (pg. 58, Gwerin) The forest charcoal burners have preserved the pre-historic hut, in its simplest and most primitive form, from the days of the Stone Age. (Hazzledine Warren S.: 'Charcoal Burners in Epping Forest; their Primitive Hut and the Formation of Hut-Circles', Essex Naturalist, Vol. XVI, 1910, p. 68) n addition to rough log bunks, a Collier's hut contained a wood stove (pg. 8 Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)

==Location==
A collier would construct his hut in a location as central to the charcoal pits he was burning as possible, and would have laid out the hut so that the wooden door, which was large enough for one man to fit through<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>, faced the pits<ref>Walker 1966, 242</ref>. Throughout the [[charcoal production]] process, the charcoal hearths required constant tending to throughout the day and night. If a collier let the fire consume his wood completely, he would be charged for its loss; so proximity to one's hearths was very important<ref>Walker 1966, 247</ref>. The indication of a good collier was one who obtained a high-yield of quality charcoal from the wood he used<ref>Walker 1966, 245</ref>.

The collier was a very important workman, controlling to some degree the quality and quantity of the furnace product<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>.

==Collier Homes and Villages==
When speaking about the Hopewell Village in Pennsylvania the charcoal furnace workers typically lived in special villages that were designed to accommodate both single and married workers and that were located far from surrounding towns, so as to be closer to their work. While these villages provided many workers with the necessary resources to survive, they were too remote for other workers to live in. Some single men rented houses or boarded in mansions in which they hired a woman to take care of them. For example, furnace employees were needed near the furnace while others were needed at the coaling pits that were located far away from the villages: Meaning that instead of living in the villages, many colliers worked closer to their specific area of work. The house nearest the furnace is called for identification purposes by the National Park Service Tenant House Number 1.

<ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>

Each apartment has a front and a rear door, two rooms on the first floor, two on the second and one on the third. Each side also has its stairway near the center of the house from the cellar to the third floor and a chimney serving a first floor fireplace. It is believed that some of the tenants' houses had yards surrounded by picket fences that served as an area to grow vegetables and keep pigs and cows.

It was recorded that the small stores in the villages only sold melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, much pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage, meaning that the families probably raised the rest of what they ate. Additionally, the rent for houses was between $12 to $25 per year while others were as high as $45 per year. Housing at the Hopewell furnace varied widely from the “luxury of the iron master's mansion” to the “makeshift accommodations of John Roberts in the brick kiln.” All in all there has been no evidence of terribly poor conditions despite the variety.

<ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
* Carter, Benjamin, Michaela Feinberg, Deborah Grieder, and Stuart Hanford. 2019. ''Charcoal Lands: A report on archaeological investigations in State Games Lands #217, Fall 2018.''
* Hazzledine Warren S.: 'Charcoal Burners in Epping Forest; their Primitive Hut and the Formation of Hut-Circles', Essex Naturalist, Vol. XVI, 1910
* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.
* Peate, Iorwerth C. and James Walton. 1958. "Charcoal Burners Huts." ''Gerwin,'' Vol. 2 (2), 58-67.
* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Collier huts

2020-09-17T01:29:56Z

Ajroberts2021:

While producing charcoal, colliers stayed in temporary huts they constructed located near their hearths<ref> Walker 1966, 242</ref>. Colliers tended to multiple charcoal hearths while they lived on the mountain<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. Each hearth took approximately two weeks to complete. A collier would mind a hearth closely for the first couple of days; after that, he would spend time starting a new hearth. Colliers could typically tend up to eight hearths at a time<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>.

==Construction==
While producing charcoal, colliers stayed in temporary huts they constructed located near their hearths<ref> Walker 1966, 242</ref>. Colliers tended to multiple charcoal hearths while they lived on the mountain<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. Each hearth took approximately two weeks to complete. A collier would mind a hearth closely for the first couple of days; after that, he would spend time starting a new hearth. Colliers could typically tend up to eight hearths at a time<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>.Collier huts were conical<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 58</ref>, with a base eight feet across and ten feet high<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. And while the the conically shaped hut was the standard for colliers, regional variations in style existed<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 63</ref>. Similarly constructed huts can be identified throughout European as they were built for various purposes, however in more recent times these structures have been primarily used by charcoal burners and shepherds<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 63</ref>. The area where a collier decided to construct his hut was cleared of anything that would make the ground uneven, such as brush, stones, or stumps<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. A master collier and one or two helpers "coaled" together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. <ref> National Park Service 1941, 13</ref>. Three inch poles that sloped inward, crossed at the apex<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 58</ref>, and were bound at the top were used as the basic structure for the huts and the spaces between the poles were filled in with smaller pieces of wood. Leaves and soil were packed in to act as insulation by filling in the gaps between posts<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. Additionally, collier huts consisted of: a hearth; a small door which hung on framework<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 60</ref> and was approximately four to six feet in height<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 62</ref>, and cots constructed out of logs<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. When identifying the remains of a collier hut, important features to look for are: a trench; a berm, which may have an opening where the door would have been; and a circular depression in the center<ref>Carter et al. 2019, 43-44</ref>. Another means of identifying collier huts in the archaeological record would be to look for a raised ring of turf around the central depression. This ring of turf is the product of insulation sliding off the roof of a dilapidated collier hut<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 65</ref>.

Although the conical style hut probably originated in a number of different places, the particular variety used by the charcoal burners may have spread from a single source <ref> Walton 1958, 64</ref>. Colliers huts have been found around the world (pg. 58, Gwerin) "In Britain, this dwelling type has survived until quite recently in the huts of the charcoal burners" (pg. 58, Gwerin) The forest charcoal burners have preserved the pre-historic hut, in its simplest and most primitive form, from the days of the Stone Age. (Hazzledine Warren S.: 'Charcoal Burners in Epping Forest; their Primitive Hut and the Formation of Hut-Circles', Essex Naturalist, Vol. XVI, 1910, p. 68) n addition to rough log bunks, a Collier's hut contained a wood stove (pg. 8 Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)

==Location==
A collier would construct his hut in a location as central to the charcoal pits he was burning as possible, and would have laid out the hut so that the wooden door, which was large enough for one man to fit through<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>, faced the pits<ref>Walker 1966, 242</ref>. Throughout the [[charcoal production]] process, the charcoal hearths required constant tending to throughout the day and night. If a collier let the fire consume his wood completely, he would be charged for its loss; so proximity to one's hearths was very important<ref>Walker 1966, 247</ref>. The indication of a good collier was one who obtained a high-yield of quality charcoal from the wood he used<ref>Walker 1966, 245</ref>.

The collier was a very important workman, controlling to some degree the quality and quantity of the furnace product<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>.

==Collier Homes and Villages==
When speaking about the Hopewell Village in Pennsylvania the charcoal furnace workers typically lived in special villages that were designed to accommodate both single and married workers and that were located far from surrounding towns, so as to be closer to their work. While these villages provided many workers with the necessary resources to survive, they were too remote for other workers to live in. Some single men rented houses or boarded in mansions in which they hired a woman to take care of them. For example, furnace employees were needed near the furnace while others were needed at the coaling pits that were located far away from the villages: Meaning that instead of living in the villages, many colliers worked closer to their specific area of work. The house nearest the furnace is called for identification purposes by the National Park Service Tenant House Number 1.

<ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>

Each apartment has a front and a rear door, two rooms on the first floor, two on the second and one on the third. Each side also has its stairway near the center of the house from the cellar to the third floor and a chimney serving a first floor fireplace. It is believed that some of the tenants' houses had yards surrounded by picket fences that served as an area to grow vegetables and keep pigs and cows.

It was recorded that the small stores in the villages only sold melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, much pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage, meaning that the families probably raised the rest of what they ate. Additionally, the rent for houses was between $12 to $25 per year while others were as high as $45 per year. Housing at the Hopewell furnace varied widely from the “luxury of the iron master's mansion” to the “makeshift accommodations of John Roberts in the brick kiln.” All in all there has been no evidence of terribly poor conditions despite the variety.

<ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
* Carter, Benjamin, Michaela Feinberg, Deborah Grieder, and Stuart Hanford. 2019. ''Charcoal Lands: A report on archaeological investigations in State Games Lands #217, Fall 2018.''
* Hazzledine Warren S.: 'Charcoal Burners in Epping Forest; their Primitive Hut and the Formation of Hut-Circles', Essex Naturalist, Vol. XVI, 1910
* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.
* Peate, Iorwerth C. and James Walton. 1958. "Charcoal Burners Huts." ''Gerwin,'' Vol. 2 (2), 58-67.
* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Collier huts

2020-09-17T01:08:28Z

Ajroberts2021: /* References */

While producing charcoal, colliers stayed in temporary huts they constructed located near their hearths<ref> Walker 1966, 242</ref>. Colliers tended to multiple charcoal hearths while they lived on the mountain<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. Each hearth took approximately two weeks to complete. A collier would mind a hearth closely for the first couple of days; after that, he would spend time starting a new hearth. Colliers could typically tend up to eight hearths at a time<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>.

==Construction==
Collier huts were conical<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 58</ref>, with a base eight feet across and ten feet high<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. And while the the conically shaped hut was the standard for colliers, regional variations in style existed<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 63</ref>. Similarly constructed huts can be identified throughout European as they were built for various purposes, however in more recent times these structures have been primarily used by charcoal burners and shepherds<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 63</ref>. The area where a collier decided to construct his hut was cleared of anything that would make the ground uneven, such as brush, stones, or stumps<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. A master collier and one or two helpers "coaled" together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. <ref> National Park Service 1941, 13</ref>. Three inch poles that sloped inward, crossed at the apex<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 58</ref>, and were bound at the top were used as the basic structure for the huts and the spaces between the poles were filled in with smaller pieces of wood. Leaves and soil were packed in to act as insulation by filling in the gaps between posts<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. Additionally, collier huts consisted of: a hearth; a small door which hung on framework<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 60</ref> and was approximately four to six feet in height<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 62</ref>, and cots constructed out of logs<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. When identifying the remains of a collier hut, important features to look for are: a trench; a berm, which may have an opening where the door would have been; and a circular depression in the center<ref>Carter et al. 2019, 43-44</ref>. Another means of identifying collier huts in the archaeological record would be to look for a raised ring of turf around the central depression. This ring of turf is the product of insulation sliding off the roof of a dilapidated collier hut<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 65</ref>.

Although the conical style hut probably originated in a number of different places, the particular variety used by the charcoal burners may have spread from a single source <ref> Walton 1958, 64</ref>. Colliers huts have been found around the world (pg. 58, Gwerin) "In Britain, this dwelling type has survived until quite recently in the huts of the charcoal burners" (pg. 58, Gwerin) The forest charcoal burners have preserved the pre-historic hut, in its simplest and most primitive form, from the days of the Stone Age. (Hazzledine Warren S.: 'Charcoal Burners in Epping Forest; their Primitive Hut and the Formation of Hut-Circles', Essex Naturalist, Vol. XVI, 1910, p. 68) n addition to rough log bunks, a Collier's hut contained a wood stove (pg. 8 Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)

==Location==
A collier would construct his hut in a location as central to the charcoal pits he was burning as possible, and would have laid out the hut so that the wooden door, which was large enough for one man to fit through<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>, faced the pits<ref>Walker 1966, 242</ref>. Throughout the [[charcoal production]] process, the charcoal hearths required constant tending to throughout the day and night. If a collier let the fire consume his wood completely, he would be charged for its loss; so proximity to one's hearths was very important<ref>Walker 1966, 247</ref>. The indication of a good collier was one who obtained a high-yield of quality charcoal from the wood he used<ref>Walker 1966, 245</ref>.

The collier was a very important workman, controlling to some degree the quality and quantity of the furnace product<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>.

==Collier Homes and Villages==
When speaking about the Hopewell Village in Pennsylvania the charcoal furnace workers typically lived in special villages that were designed to accommodate both single and married workers and that were located far from surrounding towns, so as to be closer to their work. While these villages provided many workers with the necessary resources to survive, they were too remote for other workers to live in. Some single men rented houses or boarded in mansions in which they hired a woman to take care of them. For example, furnace employees were needed near the furnace while others were needed at the coaling pits that were located far away from the villages: Meaning that instead of living in the villages, many colliers worked closer to their specific area of work. The house nearest the furnace is called for identification purposes by the National Park Service Tenant House Number 1.

<ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>

Each apartment has a front and a rear door, two rooms on the first floor, two on the second and one on the third. Each side also has its stairway near the center of the house from the cellar to the third floor and a chimney serving a first floor fireplace. It is believed that some of the tenants' houses had yards surrounded by picket fences that served as an area to grow vegetables and keep pigs and cows.

It was recorded that the small stores in the villages only sold melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, much pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage, meaning that the families probably raised the rest of what they ate. Additionally, the rent for houses was between $12 to $25 per year while others were as high as $45 per year. Housing at the Hopewell furnace varied widely from the “luxury of the iron master's mansion” to the “makeshift accommodations of John Roberts in the brick kiln.” All in all there has been no evidence of terribly poor conditions despite the variety.

<ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
* Carter, Benjamin, Michaela Feinberg, Deborah Grieder, and Stuart Hanford. 2019. ''Charcoal Lands: A report on archaeological investigations in State Games Lands #217, Fall 2018.''
* Hazzledine Warren S.: 'Charcoal Burners in Epping Forest; their Primitive Hut and the Formation of Hut-Circles', Essex Naturalist, Vol. XVI, 1910
* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.
* Peate, Iorwerth C. and James Walton. 1958. "Charcoal Burners Huts." ''Gerwin,'' Vol. 2 (2), 58-67.
* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Colliers

2020-09-17T00:55:48Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Collier Pay */

=Collier Life=
Historically, the collier profession was not one for the faint of heart, as great skill was required in order to successfully maintain multiple charcoal hearths at one time for months on end<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. Living alone, or occasionally with a son or apprentice, in a small [[Collier huts| collier hut]], colliers could not afford to lose concentration for even one moment, as the slightest wayward breeze or hole in the charcoal hearth could cause irreparable damage to the charcoal. However there were exceptions to this, and some colliers lived near the furnaces in more permanent housing<ref>Walker 1966,238</ref>, sometimes with the accompaniment of their families <ref>Walker 1966, 109</ref>. The Furnace management had to make certain that living quarters were available to all of their workmen. Some workers lived in homes they owned, others rented houses from the Furnace or local landlords. Rent for Furnace houses was usually from $12 to $25 per year. <ref>Walker 1966, 99</ref>. One such example of this can be identified in the 1860 census where John Bachman, a forty year old collier, was listed as living with his wife and eleven children, ages four months through nineteen years<ref>United States Census, 1860</ref>. More information on John Bachman can be found on the [[Lives of Workers]] page. Another notable collier in the area was [[Joseph Johns (1794-1906)]]. The collier's responsibilities did not begin until the wood had been sledded in from the wood chopper's ranks to the hearth and there set on end until the entire surface was filled.The collier was a very important workman, controlling to some degree the quality and quantity of the furnace product. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>.

The quality of charcoal was important to colliers' livelihood as high quality charcoal, charcoal that was strong, compact and heavy<ref> Walker 1966,240</ref>, fetched higher prices<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>. The collier profession required almost constant twenty-four-hour surveillance of the hearths [https://www.nps.gov/media/video/view.htm?id=FB3FA03A-1DD8-B71C-071149ADB08DBD2E]. A dangerous role a collier may have needed to perform was called "jumping the pit." This crucial job required a collier to climb onto the hearth and place more wood into any "soft spots" in the pile<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. If anything went awry, the collier risked falling into the smoldering charcoal fire<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. While making charcoal, colliers lived in the woods in roughly constructed [[collier huts]]<ref>Walker 1966, 242</ref>. During the winter months, colliers became woodcutters in order to get a full-years wage, as the ideal season for charcoal production was during the warmer months of the year<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. During the winter, the collier would cut billets and lapwood in preparation for the summer. They also used their time in the winter months to create baskets that were woven with thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. These baskets were then used for carrying leaves and anywhere from 2-½ to 3 bushels of charcoal<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Woodcutters were paid by the cord; some would try to deceive the system and loosely pile their billets or stack them over stumps to falsely increase the volume<ref> Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Often, the colliers lived at the site of production for months at a time, from late May to October. During the summer they lived in crude wood huts in areas with many insects. A master collier and one or two helpers "coaled" together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. This is probably why they wore long sleeves and pants, so as to protect them from the already volatile elements. Colliers bought relatively little food from the company store, leading to reason they must have raised much of what they ate. There were records of sales of melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage. Corn meal was a regular item of store purchase before 1808 and seldom appeared after that. Rye and wheat flour were the more common bases for baked items in later years. Sugar, tea, coffee, chocolate, salt, pepper and spices were kept in regular stock at the store. Preserving of meat was a problem for colliers before freezing was available<ref>Walker 1966, 111</ref>. Master Colliers had 1 or 2 helpers that coaled together<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>.

He first cleared his hearth of all vegetation which had grown there since the last time the tract had been coaled—possibly 30 years before—and raked out all the old dust to its edges. The next move was to locate the center of the hearth and to throw back enough of the lap-wood to enable him to get down to the surface<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>. The Collier would make a ladder by notching an 8 inch log that was long enough to reach from the ground to the head.<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Another tool used by the Collier was a crude wooden rake, made of six or seven 6-inch teeth placed about 2 inches apart in a small head, which was used to gather up the leaves on the forest floor. After the leaves were raked, they were collected into the Collier's handmade basket so the could be scattered on the pit. These baskets were made by the Collier during the winter months by weaving together thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. Each one held about 2 1/2 to 3 bushels of charcoal. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. A long handled Collier's shovel was used to spread the dust on the pit. With just a small twist of the wrist while using the shovel spread the dust evenly to make sure all parts of the pit were covered. <ref>Kemper 1941, 18</ref>. Charcoal wagons were used to transport the charcoal. These wagons held between 100 to 300 bushels of coal, and were drawn by 6-mule teams and had high sideboards and a bottom that pulled out.

==Collier Pay==
Colliers were paid for their charring approximately $1.12-$1.25 per one hundred bushels of charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 117</ref>. According to Walker<ref> Walker 1966, 261</ref>, colliers at Hopewell Furnace (Birdsboro, PA) made a monthly pay between $8.62-$20.62 in 1805-1807, $16.00-$23.00 in 1818-1820, $13.50-$18.00 in 1825-1827 and 1835-1837 and $17.50-$24.00 in 1851-1853. In order to better understand how much this is worth, we can convert this to modern amounts using Measuring Worth<ref>measuringworth</ref>. For example, if we just adjust for inflation, $8.62 in 1805 is equivalent to $194.00 today (2019). That is an incomplete picture, however, because it does not take into account economic growth. "Relative labor earnings" is a better measure because it compares the wage to the average wage from the two time periods<ref>measuringworth</ref>. Using this measure,<ref>measuringworth</ref> $8.62 in 1805 would be more like getting paid between $3,110.00 (unskilled labor) to $5,940.00 (skilled labor) today (2019). Similarly, $17.50 in 1835 would have a "relative labor earnings" value of $5,170.00 (unskilled) and $10,500.00 (skilled). This suggests that, relative to today, colliers were relatively well paid. Indeed, at the Dale Furnace in 1799, only the Manager of the Furnace was paid more per month (9 pounds, 7 shillings and 6 pence or approximately $300.00/ year)than the "coaler" or collier (8 pounds). Even the furnace keeper, the individual responsible for the operation of the furnace, earned less than the colliers<ref> Gemmell 1949, 91</ref>. This is not quite as true between 1836-40 at the Hampton Furnace (Hereford Township, PA), when the colliers earned $17.50 compared to $25.00 for the keeper<ref> Gemmell 1949, 95</ref>. Cuts were made from the Colliers pay if the load was to small and/or the sticks weren't thoroughly charred <ref> Walker 1966 </ref>. The collier was a very important person in the iron making process, since he was the one who controlled the quality of the charcoal used for firing the furnace <ref> Walker 1966,240</ref>. The work was time consuming and required a lot of physical labor, and many of the Collier's originally came looking to make money by finding iron ore to make into iron.<ref>Kemper 1941, 2</ref>. During the coaling the pits could not be neglected, so the collier was on constant duty, only eating or sleeping when the work allowed him to<ref> Walker 1966, 245</ref>.

==Notes==
<references />
==References==
*''Agriculture and Rural economy – Charcoal → .'' 2010. The Encyclopedia of Diderot & d'Alembert Collaborative Translation Project. Ann Arbor: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library. [http://hdl.handle.net/2027/spo.did2222.0001.346]. Originally published as "Agriculture et économie rustique – Charbon de bois," Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, vol. 1 (plates) (Paris, 1762).

*Gemmell, Alfred. 1949. ''The Charcoal Iron Industry in the Perkiomen Valley.'' Norristown, PA.: Hartenstine Printing House.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*MeasuringWorth Foundation. 2020. ''Measuring Worth- Relative Worth Comparators and Data Sets''. [https://www.measuringworth.com/index.php . Accessed April 24, 2020]

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. [https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1]

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. ''History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.'' Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62.[https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf]

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. ''Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters.'' Advances in Historical Studies: 104-114.[http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2014.32010]

*Svedelius, G., Joseph Leonard W. Nicodemus, and Björn R. Anderson. 1875. ''Hand-book for Charcoal Burners.'' New York: Wiley. [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc2.ark:/13960/t7dr2qz7d&view=1up&seq=166]

*''United States Census, 1860,'' database with images, FamilySearch [https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33S7-9BSD-C5Y?cc=1473181&wc=7QL9-Y6C%3A1589434177%2C1589434982%2C1589435676] : 24 March 2017, Pennsylvania > Carbon > East Penn Township > image 2 of 22; from "1860 U.S. Federal Census - Population," database, Fold3.com (http://www.fold3.com : n.d.); citing NARA microfilm publication M653 (Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.).

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Colliers

2020-09-17T00:54:44Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Collier Pay */

=Collier Life=
Historically, the collier profession was not one for the faint of heart, as great skill was required in order to successfully maintain multiple charcoal hearths at one time for months on end<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. Living alone, or occasionally with a son or apprentice, in a small [[Collier huts| collier hut]], colliers could not afford to lose concentration for even one moment, as the slightest wayward breeze or hole in the charcoal hearth could cause irreparable damage to the charcoal. However there were exceptions to this, and some colliers lived near the furnaces in more permanent housing<ref>Walker 1966,238</ref>, sometimes with the accompaniment of their families <ref>Walker 1966, 109</ref>. The Furnace management had to make certain that living quarters were available to all of their workmen. Some workers lived in homes they owned, others rented houses from the Furnace or local landlords. Rent for Furnace houses was usually from $12 to $25 per year. <ref>Walker 1966, 99</ref>. One such example of this can be identified in the 1860 census where John Bachman, a forty year old collier, was listed as living with his wife and eleven children, ages four months through nineteen years<ref>United States Census, 1860</ref>. More information on John Bachman can be found on the [[Lives of Workers]] page. Another notable collier in the area was [[Joseph Johns (1794-1906)]]. The collier's responsibilities did not begin until the wood had been sledded in from the wood chopper's ranks to the hearth and there set on end until the entire surface was filled.The collier was a very important workman, controlling to some degree the quality and quantity of the furnace product. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>.

The quality of charcoal was important to colliers' livelihood as high quality charcoal, charcoal that was strong, compact and heavy<ref> Walker 1966,240</ref>, fetched higher prices<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>. The collier profession required almost constant twenty-four-hour surveillance of the hearths [https://www.nps.gov/media/video/view.htm?id=FB3FA03A-1DD8-B71C-071149ADB08DBD2E]. A dangerous role a collier may have needed to perform was called "jumping the pit." This crucial job required a collier to climb onto the hearth and place more wood into any "soft spots" in the pile<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. If anything went awry, the collier risked falling into the smoldering charcoal fire<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. While making charcoal, colliers lived in the woods in roughly constructed [[collier huts]]<ref>Walker 1966, 242</ref>. During the winter months, colliers became woodcutters in order to get a full-years wage, as the ideal season for charcoal production was during the warmer months of the year<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. During the winter, the collier would cut billets and lapwood in preparation for the summer. They also used their time in the winter months to create baskets that were woven with thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. These baskets were then used for carrying leaves and anywhere from 2-½ to 3 bushels of charcoal<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Woodcutters were paid by the cord; some would try to deceive the system and loosely pile their billets or stack them over stumps to falsely increase the volume<ref> Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Often, the colliers lived at the site of production for months at a time, from late May to October. During the summer they lived in crude wood huts in areas with many insects. A master collier and one or two helpers "coaled" together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. This is probably why they wore long sleeves and pants, so as to protect them from the already volatile elements. Colliers bought relatively little food from the company store, leading to reason they must have raised much of what they ate. There were records of sales of melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage. Corn meal was a regular item of store purchase before 1808 and seldom appeared after that. Rye and wheat flour were the more common bases for baked items in later years. Sugar, tea, coffee, chocolate, salt, pepper and spices were kept in regular stock at the store. Preserving of meat was a problem for colliers before freezing was available<ref>Walker 1966, 111</ref>. Master Colliers had 1 or 2 helpers that coaled together<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>.

He first cleared his hearth of all vegetation which had grown there since the last time the tract had been coaled—possibly 30 years before—and raked out all the old dust to its edges. The next move was to locate the center of the hearth and to throw back enough of the lap-wood to enable him to get down to the surface<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>. The Collier would make a ladder by notching an 8 inch log that was long enough to reach from the ground to the head.<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Another tool used by the Collier was a crude wooden rake, made of six or seven 6-inch teeth placed about 2 inches apart in a small head, which was used to gather up the leaves on the forest floor. After the leaves were raked, they were collected into the Collier's handmade basket so the could be scattered on the pit. These baskets were made by the Collier during the winter months by weaving together thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. Each one held about 2 1/2 to 3 bushels of charcoal. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. A long handled Collier's shovel was used to spread the dust on the pit. With just a small twist of the wrist while using the shovel spread the dust evenly to make sure all parts of the pit were covered. <ref>Kemper 1941, 18</ref>. Charcoal wagons were used to transport the charcoal. These wagons held between 100 to 300 bushels of coal, and were drawn by 6-mule teams and had high sideboards and a bottom that pulled out.

==Collier Pay==
Colliers were paid for their charring approximately $1.12-$1.25 per one hundred bushels of charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 117</ref>. According to Walker<ref> Walker 1966, 261</ref>, colliers at Hopewell Furnace (Birdsboro, PA) made a monthly pay between $8.62-$20.62 in 1805-1807, $16.00-$23.00 in 1818-1820, $13.50-$18.00 in 1825-1827 and 1835-1837 and $17.50-$24.00 in 1851-1853. In order to better understand how much this is worth, we can convert this to modern amounts using Measuring Worth<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref>. For example, if we just adjust for inflation, $8.62 in 1805 is equivalent to $194.00 today (2019). That is an incomplete picture, however, because it does not take into account economic growth. "Relative labor earnings" is a better measure because it compares the wage to the average wage from the two time periods<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/#measures</ref>. Using this measure,<ref>measuringworth</ref> $8.62 in 1805 would be more like getting paid between $3,110.00 (unskilled labor) to $5,940.00 (skilled labor) today (2019). Similarly, $17.50 in 1835 would have a "relative labor earnings" value of $5,170.00 (unskilled) and $10,500.00 (skilled). This suggests that, relative to today, colliers were relatively well paid. Indeed, at the Dale Furnace in 1799, only the Manager of the Furnace was paid more per month (9 pounds, 7 shillings and 6 pence or approximately $300.00/ year)than the "coaler" or collier (8 pounds). Even the furnace keeper, the individual responsible for the operation of the furnace, earned less than the colliers<ref> Gemmell 1949, 91</ref>. This is not quite as true between 1836-40 at the Hampton Furnace (Hereford Township, PA), when the colliers earned $17.50 compared to $25.00 for the keeper<ref> Gemmell 1949, 95</ref>. Cuts were made from the Colliers pay if the load was to small and/or the sticks weren't thoroughly charred <ref> Walker 1966 </ref>. The collier was a very important person in the iron making process, since he was the one who controlled the quality of the charcoal used for firing the furnace <ref> Walker 1966,240</ref>. The work was time consuming and required a lot of physical labor, and many of the Collier's originally came looking to make money by finding iron ore to make into iron.<ref>Kemper 1941, 2</ref>. During the coaling the pits could not be neglected, so the collier was on constant duty, only eating or sleeping when the work allowed him to<ref> Walker 1966, 245</ref>.

==Notes==
<references />
==References==
*''Agriculture and Rural economy – Charcoal → .'' 2010. The Encyclopedia of Diderot & d'Alembert Collaborative Translation Project. Ann Arbor: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library. [http://hdl.handle.net/2027/spo.did2222.0001.346]. Originally published as "Agriculture et économie rustique – Charbon de bois," Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, vol. 1 (plates) (Paris, 1762).

*Gemmell, Alfred. 1949. ''The Charcoal Iron Industry in the Perkiomen Valley.'' Norristown, PA.: Hartenstine Printing House.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*MeasuringWorth Foundation. 2020. ''Measuring Worth- Relative Worth Comparators and Data Sets''. [https://www.measuringworth.com/index.php . Accessed April 24, 2020]

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. [https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1]

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. ''History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.'' Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62.[https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf]

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. ''Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters.'' Advances in Historical Studies: 104-114.[http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2014.32010]

*Svedelius, G., Joseph Leonard W. Nicodemus, and Björn R. Anderson. 1875. ''Hand-book for Charcoal Burners.'' New York: Wiley. [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc2.ark:/13960/t7dr2qz7d&view=1up&seq=166]

*''United States Census, 1860,'' database with images, FamilySearch [https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33S7-9BSD-C5Y?cc=1473181&wc=7QL9-Y6C%3A1589434177%2C1589434982%2C1589435676] : 24 March 2017, Pennsylvania > Carbon > East Penn Township > image 2 of 22; from "1860 U.S. Federal Census - Population," database, Fold3.com (http://www.fold3.com : n.d.); citing NARA microfilm publication M653 (Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.).

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Colliers

2020-09-17T00:53:35Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Collier Life */

=Collier Life=
Historically, the collier profession was not one for the faint of heart, as great skill was required in order to successfully maintain multiple charcoal hearths at one time for months on end<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. Living alone, or occasionally with a son or apprentice, in a small [[Collier huts| collier hut]], colliers could not afford to lose concentration for even one moment, as the slightest wayward breeze or hole in the charcoal hearth could cause irreparable damage to the charcoal. However there were exceptions to this, and some colliers lived near the furnaces in more permanent housing<ref>Walker 1966,238</ref>, sometimes with the accompaniment of their families <ref>Walker 1966, 109</ref>. The Furnace management had to make certain that living quarters were available to all of their workmen. Some workers lived in homes they owned, others rented houses from the Furnace or local landlords. Rent for Furnace houses was usually from $12 to $25 per year. <ref>Walker 1966, 99</ref>. One such example of this can be identified in the 1860 census where John Bachman, a forty year old collier, was listed as living with his wife and eleven children, ages four months through nineteen years<ref>United States Census, 1860</ref>. More information on John Bachman can be found on the [[Lives of Workers]] page. Another notable collier in the area was [[Joseph Johns (1794-1906)]]. The collier's responsibilities did not begin until the wood had been sledded in from the wood chopper's ranks to the hearth and there set on end until the entire surface was filled.The collier was a very important workman, controlling to some degree the quality and quantity of the furnace product. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>.

The quality of charcoal was important to colliers' livelihood as high quality charcoal, charcoal that was strong, compact and heavy<ref> Walker 1966,240</ref>, fetched higher prices<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>. The collier profession required almost constant twenty-four-hour surveillance of the hearths [https://www.nps.gov/media/video/view.htm?id=FB3FA03A-1DD8-B71C-071149ADB08DBD2E]. A dangerous role a collier may have needed to perform was called "jumping the pit." This crucial job required a collier to climb onto the hearth and place more wood into any "soft spots" in the pile<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. If anything went awry, the collier risked falling into the smoldering charcoal fire<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. While making charcoal, colliers lived in the woods in roughly constructed [[collier huts]]<ref>Walker 1966, 242</ref>. During the winter months, colliers became woodcutters in order to get a full-years wage, as the ideal season for charcoal production was during the warmer months of the year<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. During the winter, the collier would cut billets and lapwood in preparation for the summer. They also used their time in the winter months to create baskets that were woven with thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. These baskets were then used for carrying leaves and anywhere from 2-½ to 3 bushels of charcoal<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Woodcutters were paid by the cord; some would try to deceive the system and loosely pile their billets or stack them over stumps to falsely increase the volume<ref> Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Often, the colliers lived at the site of production for months at a time, from late May to October. During the summer they lived in crude wood huts in areas with many insects. A master collier and one or two helpers "coaled" together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. This is probably why they wore long sleeves and pants, so as to protect them from the already volatile elements. Colliers bought relatively little food from the company store, leading to reason they must have raised much of what they ate. There were records of sales of melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage. Corn meal was a regular item of store purchase before 1808 and seldom appeared after that. Rye and wheat flour were the more common bases for baked items in later years. Sugar, tea, coffee, chocolate, salt, pepper and spices were kept in regular stock at the store. Preserving of meat was a problem for colliers before freezing was available<ref>Walker 1966, 111</ref>. Master Colliers had 1 or 2 helpers that coaled together<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>.

He first cleared his hearth of all vegetation which had grown there since the last time the tract had been coaled—possibly 30 years before—and raked out all the old dust to its edges. The next move was to locate the center of the hearth and to throw back enough of the lap-wood to enable him to get down to the surface<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>. The Collier would make a ladder by notching an 8 inch log that was long enough to reach from the ground to the head.<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Another tool used by the Collier was a crude wooden rake, made of six or seven 6-inch teeth placed about 2 inches apart in a small head, which was used to gather up the leaves on the forest floor. After the leaves were raked, they were collected into the Collier's handmade basket so the could be scattered on the pit. These baskets were made by the Collier during the winter months by weaving together thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. Each one held about 2 1/2 to 3 bushels of charcoal. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. A long handled Collier's shovel was used to spread the dust on the pit. With just a small twist of the wrist while using the shovel spread the dust evenly to make sure all parts of the pit were covered. <ref>Kemper 1941, 18</ref>. Charcoal wagons were used to transport the charcoal. These wagons held between 100 to 300 bushels of coal, and were drawn by 6-mule teams and had high sideboards and a bottom that pulled out.

==Collier Pay==
Colliers were paid for their charring approximately $1.12-$1.25 per one hundred bushels of charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 117</ref>. According to Walker<ref> Walker 1966, 261</ref>, colliers at Hopewell Furnace (Birdsboro, PA) made a monthly pay between $8.62-$20.62 in 1805-1807, $16.00-$23.00 in 1818-1820, $13.50-$18.00 in 1825-1827 and 1835-1837 and $17.50-$24.00 in 1851-1853. In order to better understand how much this is worth, we can convert this to modern amounts using Measuring Worth<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref>. For example, if we just adjust for inflation, $8.62 in 1805 is equivalent to $194.00 today (2019). That is an incomplete picture, however, because it does not take into account economic growth. "Relative labor earnings" is a better measure because it compares the wage to the average wage from the two time periods<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/#measures</ref>. Using this measure,<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref> $8.62 in 1805 would be more like getting paid between $3,110.00 (unskilled labor) to $5,940.00 (skilled labor) today (2019). Similarly, $17.50 in 1835 would have a "relative labor earnings" value of $5,170.00 (unskilled) and $10,500.00 (skilled). This suggests that, relative to today, colliers were relatively well paid. Indeed, at the Dale Furnace in 1799, only the Manager of the Furnace was paid more per month (9 pounds, 7 shillings and 6 pence or approximately $300.00/ year)than the "coaler" or collier (8 pounds). Even the furnace keeper, the individual responsible for the operation of the furnace, earned less than the colliers<ref> Gemmell 1949, 91</ref>. This is not quite as true between 1836-40 at the Hampton Furnace (Hereford Township, PA), when the colliers earned $17.50 compared to $25.00 for the keeper<ref> Gemmell 1949, 95</ref>. Cuts were made from the Colliers pay if the load was to small and/or the sticks weren't thoroughly charred <ref> Walker 1966 </ref>. The collier was a very important person in the iron making process, since he was the one who controlled the quality of the charcoal used for firing the furnace <ref> Walker 1966,240</ref>. The work was time consuming and required a lot of physical labor, and many of the Collier's originally came looking to make money by finding iron ore to make into iron.<ref>Kemper 1941, 2</ref>. During the coaling the pits could not be neglected, so the collier was on constant duty, only eating or sleeping when the work allowed him to<ref> Walker 1966, 245</ref>.

==Notes==
<references />
==References==
*''Agriculture and Rural economy – Charcoal → .'' 2010. The Encyclopedia of Diderot & d'Alembert Collaborative Translation Project. Ann Arbor: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library. [http://hdl.handle.net/2027/spo.did2222.0001.346]. Originally published as "Agriculture et économie rustique – Charbon de bois," Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, vol. 1 (plates) (Paris, 1762).

*Gemmell, Alfred. 1949. ''The Charcoal Iron Industry in the Perkiomen Valley.'' Norristown, PA.: Hartenstine Printing House.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*MeasuringWorth Foundation. 2020. ''Measuring Worth- Relative Worth Comparators and Data Sets''. [https://www.measuringworth.com/index.php . Accessed April 24, 2020]

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. [https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1]

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. ''History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.'' Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62.[https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf]

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. ''Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters.'' Advances in Historical Studies: 104-114.[http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2014.32010]

*Svedelius, G., Joseph Leonard W. Nicodemus, and Björn R. Anderson. 1875. ''Hand-book for Charcoal Burners.'' New York: Wiley. [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc2.ark:/13960/t7dr2qz7d&view=1up&seq=166]

*''United States Census, 1860,'' database with images, FamilySearch [https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33S7-9BSD-C5Y?cc=1473181&wc=7QL9-Y6C%3A1589434177%2C1589434982%2C1589435676] : 24 March 2017, Pennsylvania > Carbon > East Penn Township > image 2 of 22; from "1860 U.S. Federal Census - Population," database, Fold3.com (http://www.fold3.com : n.d.); citing NARA microfilm publication M653 (Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.).

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Colliers

2020-09-17T00:48:12Z

Ajroberts2021:

=Collier Life=
Historically, the collier profession was not one for the faint of heart, as great skill was required in order to successfully maintain multiple charcoal hearths at one time for months on end<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. Living alone, or occasionally with a son or apprentice, in a small [[Collier huts| collier hut]], colliers could not afford to lose concentration for even one moment, as the slightest wayward breeze or hole in the charcoal hearth could cause irreparable damage to the charcoal. However there were exceptions to this, and some colliers lived near the furnaces in more permanent housing<ref>Walker 1966,238</ref>, sometimes with the accompaniment of their families <ref>Walker 1966, 109</ref>. The Furnace management had to make certain that living quarters were available to all of their workmen. Some workers lived in homes they owned, others rented houses from the Furnace or local landlords. Rent for Furnace houses was usually from $12 to $25 per year. <ref>Walker 1966, 99</ref>. One such example of this can be identified in the 1860 census where John Bachman, a forty year old collier, was listed as living with his wife and eleven children, ages four months through nineteen years<ref>United States Census, 1860</ref>. More information on John Bachman can be found on the [[Lives of Workers]] page. Another notable collier in the area was [[Joseph Johns (1794-1906)]]. The collier's responsibilities did not begin until the wood had been sledded in from the wood chopper's ranks to the hearth and there set on end until the entire surface was filled.The collier was a very important workman, controlling to some degree the quality and quantity of the furnace product. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>.

The quality of charcoal was important to colliers' livelihood as high quality charcoal, charcoal that was strong, compact and heavy<ref> Walker 1966,240</ref>, fetched higher prices<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>. The collier profession required almost constant twenty-four-hour surveillance of the hearths [https://www.nps.gov/media/video/view.htm?id=FB3FA03A-1DD8-B71C-071149ADB08DBD2E]. A dangerous role a collier may have needed to perform was called "jumping the pit." This crucial job required a collier to climb onto the hearth and place more wood into any "soft spots" in the pile<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. If anything went awry, the collier risked falling into the smoldering charcoal fire<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. While making charcoal, colliers lived in the woods in roughly constructed [[collier huts]]<ref>Walker 1966, 242</ref>. During the winter months, colliers became woodcutters in order to get a full-years wage, as the ideal season for charcoal production was during the warmer months of the year<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. During the winter, the collier would cut billets and lapwood in preparation for the summer. They also used their time in the winter months to create baskets that were woven with thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. These baskets were then used for carrying leaves and anywhere from 2-½ to 3 bushels of charcoal<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Woodcutters were paid by the cord; some would try to deceive the system and loosely pile their billets or stack them over stumps to falsely increase the volume<ref> Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Often, the colliers lived at the site of production for months at a time, from late May to October. During the summer they lived in crude wood huts in areas with many insects. A master collier and one or two helpers "coaled" together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. This is probably why they wore long sleeves and pants, so as to protect them from the already volatile elements. Colliers bought relatively little food from the company store, leading to reason they must have raised much of what they ate. There were records of sales of melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage. Corn meal was a regular item of store purchase before 1808 and seldom appeared after that. Rye and wheat flour were the more common bases for baked items in later years. Sugar, tea, coffee, chocolate, salt, pepper and spices were kept in regular stock at the store. Preserving of meat was a problem for colliers before freezing was available<ref>Walker 1966, 111</ref>. Master Colliers had 1 or 2 helpers that coaled together, working as many as 9 pits at the same time <ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>. He first cleared his hearth of all vegetation which had grown there since the last time the tract had been coaled—possibly 30 years before—and raked out all the old dust to its edges. The next move was to locate the center of the hearth and to throw back enough of the lap-wood to enable him to get down to the surface<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>. The Collier would make a ladder by notching an 8 inch log that was long enough to reach from the ground to the head.<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Another tool used by the Collier was a crude wooden rake, made of six or seven 6-inch teeth placed about 2 inches apart in a small head, which was used to gather up the leaves on the forest floor. After the leaves were raked, they were collected into the Collier's handmade basket so the could be scattered on the pit. These baskets were made by the Collier during the winter months by weaving together thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. Each one held about 2 1/2 to 3 bushels of charcoal. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. A long handled Collier's shovel was used to spread the dust on the pit. With just a small twist of the wrist while using the shovel spread the dust evenly to make sure all parts of the pit were covered. <ref>Kemper 1941, 18</ref>. Charcoal wagons were used to transport the charcoal. These wagons held between 100 to 300 bushels of coal, and were drawn by 6-mule teams and had high sideboards and a bottom that pulled out.

==Collier Pay==
Colliers were paid for their charring approximately $1.12-$1.25 per one hundred bushels of charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 117</ref>. According to Walker<ref> Walker 1966, 261</ref>, colliers at Hopewell Furnace (Birdsboro, PA) made a monthly pay between $8.62-$20.62 in 1805-1807, $16.00-$23.00 in 1818-1820, $13.50-$18.00 in 1825-1827 and 1835-1837 and $17.50-$24.00 in 1851-1853. In order to better understand how much this is worth, we can convert this to modern amounts using Measuring Worth<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref>. For example, if we just adjust for inflation, $8.62 in 1805 is equivalent to $194.00 today (2019). That is an incomplete picture, however, because it does not take into account economic growth. "Relative labor earnings" is a better measure because it compares the wage to the average wage from the two time periods<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/#measures</ref>. Using this measure,<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref> $8.62 in 1805 would be more like getting paid between $3,110.00 (unskilled labor) to $5,940.00 (skilled labor) today (2019). Similarly, $17.50 in 1835 would have a "relative labor earnings" value of $5,170.00 (unskilled) and $10,500.00 (skilled). This suggests that, relative to today, colliers were relatively well paid. Indeed, at the Dale Furnace in 1799, only the Manager of the Furnace was paid more per month (9 pounds, 7 shillings and 6 pence or approximately $300.00/ year)than the "coaler" or collier (8 pounds). Even the furnace keeper, the individual responsible for the operation of the furnace, earned less than the colliers<ref> Gemmell 1949, 91</ref>. This is not quite as true between 1836-40 at the Hampton Furnace (Hereford Township, PA), when the colliers earned $17.50 compared to $25.00 for the keeper<ref> Gemmell 1949, 95</ref>. Cuts were made from the Colliers pay if the load was to small and/or the sticks weren't thoroughly charred <ref> Walker 1966 </ref>. The collier was a very important person in the iron making process, since he was the one who controlled the quality of the charcoal used for firing the furnace <ref> Walker 1966,240</ref>. The work was time consuming and required a lot of physical labor, and many of the Collier's originally came looking to make money by finding iron ore to make into iron.<ref>Kemper 1941, 2</ref>. During the coaling the pits could not be neglected, so the collier was on constant duty, only eating or sleeping when the work allowed him to<ref> Walker 1966, 245</ref>.

==Notes==
<references />
==References==
*''Agriculture and Rural economy – Charcoal → .'' 2010. The Encyclopedia of Diderot & d'Alembert Collaborative Translation Project. Ann Arbor: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library. [http://hdl.handle.net/2027/spo.did2222.0001.346]. Originally published as "Agriculture et économie rustique – Charbon de bois," Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, vol. 1 (plates) (Paris, 1762).

*Gemmell, Alfred. 1949. ''The Charcoal Iron Industry in the Perkiomen Valley.'' Norristown, PA.: Hartenstine Printing House.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*MeasuringWorth Foundation. 2020. ''Measuring Worth- Relative Worth Comparators and Data Sets''. [https://www.measuringworth.com/index.php . Accessed April 24, 2020]

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. [https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1]

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. ''History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.'' Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62.[https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf]

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. ''Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters.'' Advances in Historical Studies: 104-114.[http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2014.32010]

*Svedelius, G., Joseph Leonard W. Nicodemus, and Björn R. Anderson. 1875. ''Hand-book for Charcoal Burners.'' New York: Wiley. [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc2.ark:/13960/t7dr2qz7d&view=1up&seq=166]

*''United States Census, 1860,'' database with images, FamilySearch [https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33S7-9BSD-C5Y?cc=1473181&wc=7QL9-Y6C%3A1589434177%2C1589434982%2C1589435676] : 24 March 2017, Pennsylvania > Carbon > East Penn Township > image 2 of 22; from "1860 U.S. Federal Census - Population," database, Fold3.com (http://www.fold3.com : n.d.); citing NARA microfilm publication M653 (Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.).

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Collier huts

2020-09-17T00:47:44Z

Ajroberts2021:

While producing charcoal, colliers stayed in temporary huts they constructed located near their hearths<ref> Walker 1966, 242</ref>. Colliers tended to multiple charcoal hearths while they lived on the mountain<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. Each hearth took approximately two weeks to complete. A collier would mind a hearth closely for the first couple of days; after that, he would spend time starting a new hearth. Colliers could typically tend up to eight hearths at a time<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>.

==Construction==
Collier huts were conical<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 58</ref>, with a base eight feet across and ten feet high<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. And while the the conically shaped hut was the standard for colliers, regional variations in style existed<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 63</ref>. Similarly constructed huts can be identified throughout European as they were built for various purposes, however in more recent times these structures have been primarily used by charcoal burners and shepherds<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 63</ref>. The area where a collier decided to construct his hut was cleared of anything that would make the ground uneven, such as brush, stones, or stumps<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. A master collier and one or two helpers "coaled" together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. <ref> National Park Service 1941, 13</ref>. Three inch poles that sloped inward, crossed at the apex<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 58</ref>, and were bound at the top were used as the basic structure for the huts and the spaces between the poles were filled in with smaller pieces of wood. Leaves and soil were packed in to act as insulation by filling in the gaps between posts<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. Additionally, collier huts consisted of: a hearth; a small door which hung on framework<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 60</ref> and was approximately four to six feet in height<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 62</ref>, and cots constructed out of logs<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>. When identifying the remains of a collier hut, important features to look for are: a trench; a berm, which may have an opening where the door would have been; and a circular depression in the center<ref>Carter et al. 2019, 43-44</ref>. Another means of identifying collier huts in the archaeological record would be to look for a raised ring of turf around the central depression. This ring of turf is the product of insulation sliding off the roof of a dilapidated collier hut<ref>Peate and Walton 1958, 65</ref>.

Although the conical style hut probably originated in a number of different places, the particular variety used by the charcoal burners may have spread from a single source <ref> Walton 1958, 64</ref>. Colliers huts have been found around the world (pg. 58, Gwerin) "In Britain, this dwelling type has survived until quite recently in the huts of the charcoal burners" (pg. 58, Gwerin) The forest charcoal burners have preserved the pre-historic hut, in its simplest and most primitive form, from the days of the Stone Age. (Hazzledine Warren S.: 'Charcoal Burners in Epping Forest; their Primitive Hut and the Formation of Hut-Circles', Essex Naturalist, Vol. XVI, 1910, p. 68) n addition to rough log bunks, a Collier's hut contained a wood stove (pg. 8 Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)

==Location==
A collier would construct his hut in a location as central to the charcoal pits he was burning as possible, and would have laid out the hut so that the wooden door, which was large enough for one man to fit through<ref>Kemper 1941, 8</ref>, faced the pits<ref>Walker 1966, 242</ref>. Throughout the [[charcoal production]] process, the charcoal hearths required constant tending to throughout the day and night. If a collier let the fire consume his wood completely, he would be charged for its loss; so proximity to one's hearths was very important<ref>Walker 1966, 247</ref>. The indication of a good collier was one who obtained a high-yield of quality charcoal from the wood he used<ref>Walker 1966, 245</ref>.

The collier was a very important workman, controlling to some degree the quality and quantity of the furnace product<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>.

==Collier Homes and Villages==
When speaking about the Hopewell Village in Pennsylvania the charcoal furnace workers typically lived in special villages that were designed to accommodate both single and married workers and that were located far from surrounding towns, so as to be closer to their work. While these villages provided many workers with the necessary resources to survive, they were too remote for other workers to live in. Some single men rented houses or boarded in mansions in which they hired a woman to take care of them. For example, furnace employees were needed near the furnace while others were needed at the coaling pits that were located far away from the villages: Meaning that instead of living in the villages, many colliers worked closer to their specific area of work. The house nearest the furnace is called for identification purposes by the National Park Service Tenant House Number 1.

<ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>

Each apartment has a front and a rear door, two rooms on the first floor, two on the second and one on the third. Each side also has its stairway near the center of the house from the cellar to the third floor and a chimney serving a first floor fireplace. It is believed that some of the tenants' houses had yards surrounded by picket fences that served as an area to grow vegetables and keep pigs and cows.

It was recorded that the small stores in the villages only sold melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, much pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage, meaning that the families probably raised the rest of what they ate. Additionally, the rent for houses was between $12 to $25 per year while others were as high as $45 per year. Housing at the Hopewell furnace varied widely from the “luxury of the iron master's mansion” to the “makeshift accommodations of John Roberts in the brick kiln.” All in all there has been no evidence of terribly poor conditions despite the variety.

<ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
* Carter, Benjamin, Michaela Feinberg, Deborah Grieder, and Stuart Hanford. 2019. ''Charcoal Lands: A report on archaeological investigations in State Games Lands #217, Fall 2018.''
* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.
* Peate, Iorwerth C. and James Walton. 1958. "Charcoal Burners Huts." ''Gerwin,'' Vol. 2 (2), 58-67.
* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Colliers

2020-09-17T00:46:04Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Collier Homes and Villages */

=Collier Life=
Historically, the collier profession was not one for the faint of heart, as great skill was required in order to successfully maintain multiple charcoal hearths at one time for months on end<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. Living alone, or occasionally with a son or apprentice, in a small [[Collier huts| collier hut]], colliers could not afford to lose concentration for even one moment, as the slightest wayward breeze or hole in the charcoal hearth could cause irreparable damage to the charcoal. However there were exceptions to this, and some colliers lived near the furnaces in more permanent housing<ref>Walker 1966,238</ref>, sometimes with the accompaniment of their families <ref>Walker 1966, 109</ref>. The Furnace management had to make certain that living quarters were available to all of their workmen. Some workers lived in homes they owned, others rented houses from the Furnace or local landlords. Rent for Furnace houses was usually from $12 to $25 per year. <ref>Walker 1966, 99</ref>. One such example of this can be identified in the 1860 census where John Bachman, a forty year old collier, was listed as living with his wife and eleven children, ages four months through nineteen years<ref>United States Census, 1860</ref>. More information on John Bachman can be found on the [[Lives of Workers]] page. Another notable collier in the area was [[Joseph Johns (1794-1906)]]. The collier's responsibilities did not begin until the wood had been sledded in from the wood chopper's ranks to the hearth and there set on end until the entire surface was filled.The collier was a very important workman, controlling to some degree the quality and quantity of the furnace product. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>.

The quality of charcoal was important to colliers' livelihood as high quality charcoal, charcoal that was strong, compact and heavy<ref> Walker 1966,240</ref>, fetched higher prices<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>. The collier profession required almost constant twenty-four-hour surveillance of the hearths [https://www.nps.gov/media/video/view.htm?id=FB3FA03A-1DD8-B71C-071149ADB08DBD2E]. A dangerous role a collier may have needed to perform was called "jumping the pit." This crucial job required a collier to climb onto the hearth and place more wood into any "soft spots" in the pile<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. If anything went awry, the collier risked falling into the smoldering charcoal fire<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. While making charcoal, colliers lived in the woods in roughly constructed [[collier huts]]<ref>Walker 1966, 242</ref>. During the winter months, colliers became woodcutters in order to get a full-years wage, as the ideal season for charcoal production was during the warmer months of the year<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. During the winter, the collier would cut billets and lapwood in preparation for the summer. They also used their time in the winter months to create baskets that were woven with thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. These baskets were then used for carrying leaves and anywhere from 2-½ to 3 bushels of charcoal<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Woodcutters were paid by the cord; some would try to deceive the system and loosely pile their billets or stack them over stumps to falsely increase the volume<ref> Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Often, the colliers lived at the site of production for months at a time, from late May to October. During the summer they lived in crude wood huts in areas with many insects. A master collier and one or two helpers "coaled" together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. This is probably why they wore long sleeves and pants, so as to protect them from the already volatile elements. Colliers bought relatively little food from the company store, leading to reason they must have raised much of what they ate. There were records of sales of melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage. Corn meal was a regular item of store purchase before 1808 and seldom appeared after that. Rye and wheat flour were the more common bases for baked items in later years. Sugar, tea, coffee, chocolate, salt, pepper and spices were kept in regular stock at the store. Preserving of meat was a problem for colliers before freezing was available<ref>Walker 1966, 111</ref>. Master Colliers had 1 or 2 helpers that coaled together, working as many as 9 pits at the same time <ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>. He first cleared his hearth of all vegetation which had grown there since the last time the tract had been coaled—possibly 30 years before—and raked out all the old dust to its edges. The next move was to locate the center of the hearth and to throw back enough of the lap-wood to enable him to get down to the surface<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>. The Collier would make a ladder by notching an 8 inch log that was long enough to reach from the ground to the head.<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Another tool used by the Collier was a crude wooden rake, made of six or seven 6-inch teeth placed about 2 inches apart in a small head, which was used to gather up the leaves on the forest floor. After the leaves were raked, they were collected into the Collier's handmade basket so the could be scattered on the pit. These baskets were made by the Collier during the winter months by weaving together thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. Each one held about 2 1/2 to 3 bushels of charcoal. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. A long handled Collier's shovel was used to spread the dust on the pit. With just a small twist of the wrist while using the shovel spread the dust evenly to make sure all parts of the pit were covered. <ref>Kemper 1941, 18</ref>. Charcoal wagons were used to transport the charcoal. These wagons held between 100 to 300 bushels of coal, and were drawn by 6-mule teams and had high sideboards and a bottom that pulled out.

==Collier Pay==
Colliers were paid for their charring approximately $1.12-$1.25 per one hundred bushels of charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 117</ref>. According to Walker<ref> Walker 1966, 261</ref>, colliers at Hopewell Furnace (Birdsboro, PA) made a monthly pay between $8.62-$20.62 in 1805-1807, $16.00-$23.00 in 1818-1820, $13.50-$18.00 in 1825-1827 and 1835-1837 and $17.50-$24.00 in 1851-1853. In order to better understand how much this is worth, we can convert this to modern amounts using Measuring Worth<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref>. For example, if we just adjust for inflation, $8.62 in 1805 is equivalent to $194.00 today (2019). That is an incomplete picture, however, because it does not take into account economic growth. "Relative labor earnings" is a better measure because it compares the wage to the average wage from the two time periods<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/#measures</ref>. Using this measure,<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref> $8.62 in 1805 would be more like getting paid between $3,110.00 (unskilled labor) to $5,940.00 (skilled labor) today (2019). Similarly, $17.50 in 1835 would have a "relative labor earnings" value of $5,170.00 (unskilled) and $10,500.00 (skilled). This suggests that, relative to today, colliers were relatively well paid. Indeed, at the Dale Furnace in 1799, only the Manager of the Furnace was paid more per month (9 pounds, 7 shillings and 6 pence or approximately $300.00/ year)than the "coaler" or collier (8 pounds). Even the furnace keeper, the individual responsible for the operation of the furnace, earned less than the colliers<ref> Gemmell 1949, 91</ref>. This is not quite as true between 1836-40 at the Hampton Furnace (Hereford Township, PA), when the colliers earned $17.50 compared to $25.00 for the keeper<ref> Gemmell 1949, 95</ref>. Cuts were made from the Colliers pay if the load was to small and/or the sticks weren't thoroughly charred <ref> Walker 1966 </ref>. The collier was a very important person in the iron making process, since he was the one who controlled the quality of the charcoal used for firing the furnace <ref> Walker 1966,240</ref>. The work was time consuming and required a lot of physical labor, and many of the Collier's originally came looking to make money by finding iron ore to make into iron.<ref>Kemper 1941, 2</ref>. During the coaling the pits could not be neglected, so the collier was on constant duty, only eating or sleeping when the work allowed him to<ref> Walker 1966, 245</ref>.

==Collier Homes and Villages==
When speaking about the Hopewell Village in Pennsylvania the charcoal furnace workers typically lived in special villages that were designed to accommodate both single and married workers and that were located far from surrounding towns, so as to be closer to their work. While these villages provided many workers with the necessary resources to survive, they were too remote for other workers to live in. Some single men rented houses or boarded in mansions in which they hired a woman to take care of them. For example, furnace employees were needed near the furnace while others were needed at the coaling pits that were located far away from the villages: Meaning that instead of living in the villages, many colliers worked closer to their specific area of work. The house nearest the furnace is called for identification purposes by the National Park Service Tenant House Number 1.

<ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>

Each apartment has a front and a rear door, two rooms on the first floor, two on the second and one on the third. Each side also has its stairway near the center of the house from the cellar to the third floor and a chimney serving a first floor fireplace. It is believed that some of the tenants' houses had yards surrounded by picket fences that served as an area to grow vegetables and keep pigs and cows.

It was recorded that the small stores in the villages only sold melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, much pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage, meaning that the families probably raised the rest of what they ate. Additionally, the rent for houses was between $12 to $25 per year while others were as high as $45 per year. Housing at the Hopewell furnace varied widely from the “luxury of the iron master's mansion” to the “makeshift accommodations of John Roberts in the brick kiln.” All in all there has been no evidence of terribly poor conditions despite the variety.

<ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>

==Notes==
<references />
==References==
*''Agriculture and Rural economy – Charcoal → .'' 2010. The Encyclopedia of Diderot & d'Alembert Collaborative Translation Project. Ann Arbor: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library. [http://hdl.handle.net/2027/spo.did2222.0001.346]. Originally published as "Agriculture et économie rustique – Charbon de bois," Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, vol. 1 (plates) (Paris, 1762).

*Gemmell, Alfred. 1949. ''The Charcoal Iron Industry in the Perkiomen Valley.'' Norristown, PA.: Hartenstine Printing House.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*MeasuringWorth Foundation. 2020. ''Measuring Worth- Relative Worth Comparators and Data Sets''. [https://www.measuringworth.com/index.php . Accessed April 24, 2020]

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. [https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1]

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. ''History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.'' Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62.[https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf]

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. ''Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters.'' Advances in Historical Studies: 104-114.[http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2014.32010]

*Svedelius, G., Joseph Leonard W. Nicodemus, and Björn R. Anderson. 1875. ''Hand-book for Charcoal Burners.'' New York: Wiley. [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc2.ark:/13960/t7dr2qz7d&view=1up&seq=166]

*''United States Census, 1860,'' database with images, FamilySearch [https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33S7-9BSD-C5Y?cc=1473181&wc=7QL9-Y6C%3A1589434177%2C1589434982%2C1589435676] : 24 March 2017, Pennsylvania > Carbon > East Penn Township > image 2 of 22; from "1860 U.S. Federal Census - Population," database, Fold3.com (http://www.fold3.com : n.d.); citing NARA microfilm publication M653 (Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.).

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Colliers

2020-09-17T00:45:17Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Collier Pay */

=Collier Life=
Historically, the collier profession was not one for the faint of heart, as great skill was required in order to successfully maintain multiple charcoal hearths at one time for months on end<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. Living alone, or occasionally with a son or apprentice, in a small [[Collier huts| collier hut]], colliers could not afford to lose concentration for even one moment, as the slightest wayward breeze or hole in the charcoal hearth could cause irreparable damage to the charcoal. However there were exceptions to this, and some colliers lived near the furnaces in more permanent housing<ref>Walker 1966,238</ref>, sometimes with the accompaniment of their families <ref>Walker 1966, 109</ref>. The Furnace management had to make certain that living quarters were available to all of their workmen. Some workers lived in homes they owned, others rented houses from the Furnace or local landlords. Rent for Furnace houses was usually from $12 to $25 per year. <ref>Walker 1966, 99</ref>. One such example of this can be identified in the 1860 census where John Bachman, a forty year old collier, was listed as living with his wife and eleven children, ages four months through nineteen years<ref>United States Census, 1860</ref>. More information on John Bachman can be found on the [[Lives of Workers]] page. Another notable collier in the area was [[Joseph Johns (1794-1906)]]. The collier's responsibilities did not begin until the wood had been sledded in from the wood chopper's ranks to the hearth and there set on end until the entire surface was filled.The collier was a very important workman, controlling to some degree the quality and quantity of the furnace product. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>.

The quality of charcoal was important to colliers' livelihood as high quality charcoal, charcoal that was strong, compact and heavy<ref> Walker 1966,240</ref>, fetched higher prices<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>. The collier profession required almost constant twenty-four-hour surveillance of the hearths [https://www.nps.gov/media/video/view.htm?id=FB3FA03A-1DD8-B71C-071149ADB08DBD2E]. A dangerous role a collier may have needed to perform was called "jumping the pit." This crucial job required a collier to climb onto the hearth and place more wood into any "soft spots" in the pile<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. If anything went awry, the collier risked falling into the smoldering charcoal fire<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. While making charcoal, colliers lived in the woods in roughly constructed [[collier huts]]<ref>Walker 1966, 242</ref>. During the winter months, colliers became woodcutters in order to get a full-years wage, as the ideal season for charcoal production was during the warmer months of the year<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. During the winter, the collier would cut billets and lapwood in preparation for the summer. They also used their time in the winter months to create baskets that were woven with thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. These baskets were then used for carrying leaves and anywhere from 2-½ to 3 bushels of charcoal<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Woodcutters were paid by the cord; some would try to deceive the system and loosely pile their billets or stack them over stumps to falsely increase the volume<ref> Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Often, the colliers lived at the site of production for months at a time, from late May to October. During the summer they lived in crude wood huts in areas with many insects. A master collier and one or two helpers "coaled" together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. This is probably why they wore long sleeves and pants, so as to protect them from the already volatile elements. Colliers bought relatively little food from the company store, leading to reason they must have raised much of what they ate. There were records of sales of melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage. Corn meal was a regular item of store purchase before 1808 and seldom appeared after that. Rye and wheat flour were the more common bases for baked items in later years. Sugar, tea, coffee, chocolate, salt, pepper and spices were kept in regular stock at the store. Preserving of meat was a problem for colliers before freezing was available<ref>Walker 1966, 111</ref>. Master Colliers had 1 or 2 helpers that coaled together, working as many as 9 pits at the same time <ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>. He first cleared his hearth of all vegetation which had grown there since the last time the tract had been coaled—possibly 30 years before—and raked out all the old dust to its edges. The next move was to locate the center of the hearth and to throw back enough of the lap-wood to enable him to get down to the surface<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>. The Collier would make a ladder by notching an 8 inch log that was long enough to reach from the ground to the head.<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Another tool used by the Collier was a crude wooden rake, made of six or seven 6-inch teeth placed about 2 inches apart in a small head, which was used to gather up the leaves on the forest floor. After the leaves were raked, they were collected into the Collier's handmade basket so the could be scattered on the pit. These baskets were made by the Collier during the winter months by weaving together thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. Each one held about 2 1/2 to 3 bushels of charcoal. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. A long handled Collier's shovel was used to spread the dust on the pit. With just a small twist of the wrist while using the shovel spread the dust evenly to make sure all parts of the pit were covered. <ref>Kemper 1941, 18</ref>. Charcoal wagons were used to transport the charcoal. These wagons held between 100 to 300 bushels of coal, and were drawn by 6-mule teams and had high sideboards and a bottom that pulled out.

==Collier Pay==
Colliers were paid for their charring approximately $1.12-$1.25 per one hundred bushels of charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 117</ref>. According to Walker<ref> Walker 1966, 261</ref>, colliers at Hopewell Furnace (Birdsboro, PA) made a monthly pay between $8.62-$20.62 in 1805-1807, $16.00-$23.00 in 1818-1820, $13.50-$18.00 in 1825-1827 and 1835-1837 and $17.50-$24.00 in 1851-1853. In order to better understand how much this is worth, we can convert this to modern amounts using Measuring Worth<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref>. For example, if we just adjust for inflation, $8.62 in 1805 is equivalent to $194.00 today (2019). That is an incomplete picture, however, because it does not take into account economic growth. "Relative labor earnings" is a better measure because it compares the wage to the average wage from the two time periods<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/#measures</ref>. Using this measure,<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref> $8.62 in 1805 would be more like getting paid between $3,110.00 (unskilled labor) to $5,940.00 (skilled labor) today (2019). Similarly, $17.50 in 1835 would have a "relative labor earnings" value of $5,170.00 (unskilled) and $10,500.00 (skilled). This suggests that, relative to today, colliers were relatively well paid. Indeed, at the Dale Furnace in 1799, only the Manager of the Furnace was paid more per month (9 pounds, 7 shillings and 6 pence or approximately $300.00/ year)than the "coaler" or collier (8 pounds). Even the furnace keeper, the individual responsible for the operation of the furnace, earned less than the colliers<ref> Gemmell 1949, 91</ref>. This is not quite as true between 1836-40 at the Hampton Furnace (Hereford Township, PA), when the colliers earned $17.50 compared to $25.00 for the keeper<ref> Gemmell 1949, 95</ref>. Cuts were made from the Colliers pay if the load was to small and/or the sticks weren't thoroughly charred <ref> Walker 1966 </ref>. The collier was a very important person in the iron making process, since he was the one who controlled the quality of the charcoal used for firing the furnace <ref> Walker 1966,240</ref>. The work was time consuming and required a lot of physical labor, and many of the Collier's originally came looking to make money by finding iron ore to make into iron.<ref>Kemper 1941, 2</ref>. During the coaling the pits could not be neglected, so the collier was on constant duty, only eating or sleeping when the work allowed him to<ref> Walker 1966, 245</ref>.

==Collier Homes and Villages==
When speaking about the Hopewell Village in Pennsylvania the charcoal furnace workers typically lived in special villages that were designed to accommodate both single and married workers and that were located far from surrounding towns, so as to be closer to their work. While these villages provided many workers with the necessary resources to survive, they were too remote for other workers to live in. Some single men rented houses or boarded in mansions in which they hired a woman to take care of them. For example, furnace employees were needed near the furnace while others were needed at the coaling pits that were located far away from the villages: Meaning that instead of living in the villages, many colliers worked closer to their specific area of work. The house nearest the furnace is called for identification purposes by the National Park Service Tenant House Number 1. <ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>Each apartment has a front and a rear door, two rooms on the first floor, two on the second and one on the third. Each side also has its stairway near the center of the house from the cellar to the third floor and a chimney serving a first floor fireplace. It is believed that some of the tenants' houses had yards surrounded by picket fences that served as an area to grow vegetables and keep pigs and cows.

It was recorded that the small stores in the villages only sold melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, much pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage, meaning that the families probably raised the rest of what they ate. Additionally, the rent for houses was between $12 to $25 per year while others were as high as $45 per year. Housing at the Hopewell furnace varied widely from the “luxury of the iron master's mansion” to the “makeshift accommodations of John Roberts in the brick kiln.” All in all there has been no evidence of terribly poor conditions despite the variety. <ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>

==Notes==
<references />
==References==
*''Agriculture and Rural economy – Charcoal → .'' 2010. The Encyclopedia of Diderot & d'Alembert Collaborative Translation Project. Ann Arbor: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library. [http://hdl.handle.net/2027/spo.did2222.0001.346]. Originally published as "Agriculture et économie rustique – Charbon de bois," Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, vol. 1 (plates) (Paris, 1762).

*Gemmell, Alfred. 1949. ''The Charcoal Iron Industry in the Perkiomen Valley.'' Norristown, PA.: Hartenstine Printing House.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*MeasuringWorth Foundation. 2020. ''Measuring Worth- Relative Worth Comparators and Data Sets''. [https://www.measuringworth.com/index.php . Accessed April 24, 2020]

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. [https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1]

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. ''History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.'' Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62.[https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf]

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. ''Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters.'' Advances in Historical Studies: 104-114.[http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2014.32010]

*Svedelius, G., Joseph Leonard W. Nicodemus, and Björn R. Anderson. 1875. ''Hand-book for Charcoal Burners.'' New York: Wiley. [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc2.ark:/13960/t7dr2qz7d&view=1up&seq=166]

*''United States Census, 1860,'' database with images, FamilySearch [https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33S7-9BSD-C5Y?cc=1473181&wc=7QL9-Y6C%3A1589434177%2C1589434982%2C1589435676] : 24 March 2017, Pennsylvania > Carbon > East Penn Township > image 2 of 22; from "1860 U.S. Federal Census - Population," database, Fold3.com (http://www.fold3.com : n.d.); citing NARA microfilm publication M653 (Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.).

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Colliers

2020-09-17T00:40:41Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Collier Life */

=Collier Life=
Historically, the collier profession was not one for the faint of heart, as great skill was required in order to successfully maintain multiple charcoal hearths at one time for months on end<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. Living alone, or occasionally with a son or apprentice, in a small [[Collier huts| collier hut]], colliers could not afford to lose concentration for even one moment, as the slightest wayward breeze or hole in the charcoal hearth could cause irreparable damage to the charcoal. However there were exceptions to this, and some colliers lived near the furnaces in more permanent housing<ref>Walker 1966,238</ref>, sometimes with the accompaniment of their families <ref>Walker 1966, 109</ref>. The Furnace management had to make certain that living quarters were available to all of their workmen. Some workers lived in homes they owned, others rented houses from the Furnace or local landlords. Rent for Furnace houses was usually from $12 to $25 per year. <ref>Walker 1966, 99</ref>. One such example of this can be identified in the 1860 census where John Bachman, a forty year old collier, was listed as living with his wife and eleven children, ages four months through nineteen years<ref>United States Census, 1860</ref>. More information on John Bachman can be found on the [[Lives of Workers]] page. Another notable collier in the area was [[Joseph Johns (1794-1906)]]. The collier's responsibilities did not begin until the wood had been sledded in from the wood chopper's ranks to the hearth and there set on end until the entire surface was filled.The collier was a very important workman, controlling to some degree the quality and quantity of the furnace product. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>.

The quality of charcoal was important to colliers' livelihood as high quality charcoal, charcoal that was strong, compact and heavy<ref> Walker 1966,240</ref>, fetched higher prices<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>. The collier profession required almost constant twenty-four-hour surveillance of the hearths [https://www.nps.gov/media/video/view.htm?id=FB3FA03A-1DD8-B71C-071149ADB08DBD2E]. A dangerous role a collier may have needed to perform was called "jumping the pit." This crucial job required a collier to climb onto the hearth and place more wood into any "soft spots" in the pile<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. If anything went awry, the collier risked falling into the smoldering charcoal fire<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. While making charcoal, colliers lived in the woods in roughly constructed [[collier huts]]<ref>Walker 1966, 242</ref>. During the winter months, colliers became woodcutters in order to get a full-years wage, as the ideal season for charcoal production was during the warmer months of the year<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. During the winter, the collier would cut billets and lapwood in preparation for the summer. They also used their time in the winter months to create baskets that were woven with thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. These baskets were then used for carrying leaves and anywhere from 2-½ to 3 bushels of charcoal<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Woodcutters were paid by the cord; some would try to deceive the system and loosely pile their billets or stack them over stumps to falsely increase the volume<ref> Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Often, the colliers lived at the site of production for months at a time, from late May to October. During the summer they lived in crude wood huts in areas with many insects. A master collier and one or two helpers "coaled" together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. This is probably why they wore long sleeves and pants, so as to protect them from the already volatile elements. Colliers bought relatively little food from the company store, leading to reason they must have raised much of what they ate. There were records of sales of melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage. Corn meal was a regular item of store purchase before 1808 and seldom appeared after that. Rye and wheat flour were the more common bases for baked items in later years. Sugar, tea, coffee, chocolate, salt, pepper and spices were kept in regular stock at the store. Preserving of meat was a problem for colliers before freezing was available<ref>Walker 1966, 111</ref>. Master Colliers had 1 or 2 helpers that coaled together, working as many as 9 pits at the same time <ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>. He first cleared his hearth of all vegetation which had grown there since the last time the tract had been coaled—possibly 30 years before—and raked out all the old dust to its edges. The next move was to locate the center of the hearth and to throw back enough of the lap-wood to enable him to get down to the surface<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>. The Collier would make a ladder by notching an 8 inch log that was long enough to reach from the ground to the head.<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Another tool used by the Collier was a crude wooden rake, made of six or seven 6-inch teeth placed about 2 inches apart in a small head, which was used to gather up the leaves on the forest floor. After the leaves were raked, they were collected into the Collier's handmade basket so the could be scattered on the pit. These baskets were made by the Collier during the winter months by weaving together thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. Each one held about 2 1/2 to 3 bushels of charcoal. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. A long handled Collier's shovel was used to spread the dust on the pit. With just a small twist of the wrist while using the shovel spread the dust evenly to make sure all parts of the pit were covered. <ref>Kemper 1941, 18</ref>. Charcoal wagons were used to transport the charcoal. These wagons held between 100 to 300 bushels of coal, and were drawn by 6-mule teams and had high sideboards and a bottom that pulled out.

==Collier Pay==
Colliers were paid for their charring approximately $1.12-$1.25 per one hundred bushels of charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 117</ref>. According to Walker<ref> Walker 1966, 261</ref>, colliers at Hopewell Furnace (Birdsboro, PA) made a monthly pay between $8.62-$20.62 in 1805-1807, $16.00-$23.00 in 1818-1820, $13.50-$18.00 in 1825-1827 and 1835-1837 and $17.50-$24.00 in 1851-1853. In order to better understand how much this is worth, we can convert this to modern amounts using Measuring Worth<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref>. For example, if we just adjust for inflation, $8.62 in 1805 is equivalent to $194.00 today (2019). That is an incomplete picture, however, because it does not take into account economic growth. "Relative labor earnings" is a better measure because it compares the wage to the average wage from the two time periods<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/#measures</ref>. Using this measure,<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref> $8.62 in 1805 would be more like getting paid between $3,110.00 (unskilled labor) to $5,940.00 (skilled labor) today (2019). Similarly, $17.50 in 1835 would have a "relative labor earnings" value of $5,170.00 (unskilled) and $10,500.00 (skilled). This suggests that, relative to today, colliers were relatively well paid. Indeed, at the Dale Furnace in 1799, only the Manager of the Furnace was paid more per month (9 pounds, 7 shillings and 6 pence or approximately $300.00/ year)than the "coaler" or collier (8 pounds). Even the furnace keeper, the individual responsible for the operation of the furnace, earned less than the colliers<ref> Gemmell 1949, 91</ref>. This is not quite as true between 1836-40 at the Hampton Furnace (Hereford Township, PA), when the colliers earned $17.50 compared to $25.00 for the keeper<ref> Gemmell 1949, 95</ref>. Cuts were made from the Colliers pay if the load was to small and/or the sticks weren't thoroughly charred <ref> Walker 1966 </ref>. The collier was a very important person in the iron making process, since he was the one who controlled the quality of the charcoal used for firing the furnace <ref> Walker 1966,240</ref>. The work was time consuming and required a lot of physical labor, and many of the Collier's originally came looking to make money by finding iron ore to make into iron.

(pg. 2, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)

• During the coaling the pits could not be neglected, so the collier was on constant duty, only eating or sleeping when the work allowed him to.

(pg. 245, Walker, Hopewell)

==Collier Homes and Villages==
When speaking about the Hopewell Village in Pennsylvania the charcoal furnace workers typically lived in special villages that were designed to accommodate both single and married workers and that were located far from surrounding towns, so as to be closer to their work. While these villages provided many workers with the necessary resources to survive, they were too remote for other workers to live in. Some single men rented houses or boarded in mansions in which they hired a woman to take care of them. For example, furnace employees were needed near the furnace while others were needed at the coaling pits that were located far away from the villages: Meaning that instead of living in the villages, many colliers worked closer to their specific area of work. The house nearest the furnace is called for identification purposes by the National Park Service Tenant House Number 1. <ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>Each apartment has a front and a rear door, two rooms on the first floor, two on the second and one on the third. Each side also has its stairway near the center of the house from the cellar to the third floor and a chimney serving a first floor fireplace. It is believed that some of the tenants' houses had yards surrounded by picket fences that served as an area to grow vegetables and keep pigs and cows.

It was recorded that the small stores in the villages only sold melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, much pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage, meaning that the families probably raised the rest of what they ate. Additionally, the rent for houses was between $12 to $25 per year while others were as high as $45 per year. Housing at the Hopewell furnace varied widely from the “luxury of the iron master's mansion” to the “makeshift accommodations of John Roberts in the brick kiln.” All in all there has been no evidence of terribly poor conditions despite the variety. <ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>

==Notes==
<references />
==References==
*''Agriculture and Rural economy – Charcoal → .'' 2010. The Encyclopedia of Diderot & d'Alembert Collaborative Translation Project. Ann Arbor: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library. [http://hdl.handle.net/2027/spo.did2222.0001.346]. Originally published as "Agriculture et économie rustique – Charbon de bois," Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, vol. 1 (plates) (Paris, 1762).

*Gemmell, Alfred. 1949. ''The Charcoal Iron Industry in the Perkiomen Valley.'' Norristown, PA.: Hartenstine Printing House.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*MeasuringWorth Foundation. 2020. ''Measuring Worth- Relative Worth Comparators and Data Sets''. [https://www.measuringworth.com/index.php . Accessed April 24, 2020]

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. [https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1]

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. ''History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.'' Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62.[https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf]

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. ''Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters.'' Advances in Historical Studies: 104-114.[http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2014.32010]

*Svedelius, G., Joseph Leonard W. Nicodemus, and Björn R. Anderson. 1875. ''Hand-book for Charcoal Burners.'' New York: Wiley. [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc2.ark:/13960/t7dr2qz7d&view=1up&seq=166]

*''United States Census, 1860,'' database with images, FamilySearch [https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33S7-9BSD-C5Y?cc=1473181&wc=7QL9-Y6C%3A1589434177%2C1589434982%2C1589435676] : 24 March 2017, Pennsylvania > Carbon > East Penn Township > image 2 of 22; from "1860 U.S. Federal Census - Population," database, Fold3.com (http://www.fold3.com : n.d.); citing NARA microfilm publication M653 (Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.).

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Colliers

2020-09-17T00:36:27Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Collier Life */

=Collier Life=
Historically, the collier profession was not one for the faint of heart, as great skill was required in order to successfully maintain multiple charcoal hearths at one time for months on end<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. Living alone, or occasionally with a son or apprentice, in a small [[Collier huts| collier hut]], colliers could not afford to lose concentration for even one moment, as the slightest wayward breeze or hole in the charcoal hearth could cause irreparable damage to the charcoal. However there were exceptions to this, and some colliers lived near the furnaces in more permanent housing<ref>Walker 1966,238</ref>, sometimes with the accompaniment of their families <ref>Walker 1966, 109</ref>. The Furnace management had to make certain that living quarters were available to all of their workmen. Some workers lived in homes they owned, others rented houses from the Furnace or local landlords. Rent for Furnace houses was usually from $12 to $25 per year. <ref>Walker 1966, 99</ref>. One such example of this can be identified in the 1860 census where John Bachman, a forty year old collier, was listed as living with his wife and eleven children, ages four months through nineteen years<ref>United States Census, 1860</ref>. More information on John Bachman can be found on the [[Lives of Workers]] page. Another notable collier in the area was [[Joseph Johns (1794-1906)]]. The collier's responsibilities did not begin until the wood had been sledded in from the wood chopper's ranks to the hearth and there set on end until the entire surface was filled.The collier was a very important workman, controlling to some degree the quality and quantity of the furnace product. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>.

The quality of charcoal was important to colliers' livelihood as high quality charcoal, charcoal that was strong, compact and heavy<ref> Walker 1966,240</ref>, fetched higher prices<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>. The collier profession required almost constant twenty-four-hour surveillance of the hearths [https://www.nps.gov/media/video/view.htm?id=FB3FA03A-1DD8-B71C-071149ADB08DBD2E]. A dangerous role a collier may have needed to perform was called "jumping the pit." This crucial job required a collier to climb onto the hearth and place more wood into any "soft spots" in the pile<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. If anything went awry, the collier risked falling into the smoldering charcoal fire<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. While making charcoal, colliers lived in the woods in roughly constructed [[collier huts]]<ref>Walker 1966, 242</ref>. During the winter months, colliers became woodcutters in order to get a full-years wage, as the ideal season for charcoal production was during the warmer months of the year<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. During the winter, the collier would cut billets and lapwood in preparation for the summer. They also used their time in the winter months to create baskets that were woven with thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. These baskets were then used for carrying leaves and anywhere from 2-½ to 3 bushels of charcoal<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Woodcutters were paid by the cord; some would try to deceive the system and loosely pile their billets or stack them over stumps to falsely increase the volume<ref> Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Often, the colliers lived at the site of production for months at a time, from late May to October. During the summer they lived in crude wood huts in areas with many insects. A master collier and one or two helpers "coaled" together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. This is probably why they wore long sleeves and pants, so as to protect them from the already volatile elements. Colliers bought relatively little food from the company store, leading to reason they must have raised much of what they ate. There were records of sales of melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage. Corn meal was a regular item of store purchase before 1808 and seldom appeared after that. Rye and wheat flour were the more common bases for baked items in later years. Sugar, tea, coffee, chocolate, salt, pepper and spices were kept in regular stock at the store. Preserving of meat was a problem for colliers before freezing was available<ref>Walker 1966, 111</ref>. Master Colliers had 1 or 2 helpers that coaled together, working as many as 9 pits at the same time <ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>. He first cleared his hearth of all vegetation which had grown there since the last time the tract had been coaled—possibly 30 years before—and raked out all the old dust to its edges. The next move was to locate the center of the hearth and to throw back enough of the lap-wood to enable him to get down to the surface<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>. The Collier would make a ladder by notching an 8 inch log that was long enough to reach from the ground to the head.<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Another tool used by the Collier was a crude wooden rake, made of six or seven 6-inch teeth placed about 2 inches apart in a small head, which was used to gather up the leaves on the forest floor. After the leaves were raked, they were collected into the Collier's handmade basket so the could be scattered on the pit. These baskets were made by the Collier during the winter months by weaving together thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. Each one held about 2 1/2 to 3 bushels of charcoal. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. A long handled Collier's shovel was used to spread the dust on the pit. With just a small twist of the wrist while using the shovel spread the dust evenly to make sure all parts of the pit were covered. <ref>Kemper 1941, 18</ref>. Charcoal wagons were used to transport the charcoal. These wagons held between 100 to 300 bushels of coal, and were drawn by 6-mule teams and had high sideboards and a bottom that pulled out.

==Collier Pay==
Colliers were paid for their charring approximately $1.12-$1.25 per one hundred bushels of charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 117</ref>. According to Walker<ref> Walker 1966, 261</ref>, colliers at Hopewell Furnace (Birdsboro, PA) made a monthly pay between $8.62-$20.62 in 1805-1807, $16.00-$23.00 in 1818-1820, $13.50-$18.00 in 1825-1827 and 1835-1837 and $17.50-$24.00 in 1851-1853. In order to better understand how much this is worth, we can convert this to modern amounts using Measuring Worth<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref>. For example, if we just adjust for inflation, $8.62 in 1805 is equivalent to $194.00 today (2019). That is an incomplete picture, however, because it does not take into account economic growth. "Relative labor earnings" is a better measure because it compares the wage to the average wage from the two time periods<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/#measures</ref>. Using this measure,<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref> $8.62 in 1805 would be more like getting paid between $3,110.00 (unskilled labor) to $5,940.00 (skilled labor) today (2019). Similarly, $17.50 in 1835 would have a "relative labor earnings" value of $5,170.00 (unskilled) and $10,500.00 (skilled). This suggests that, relative to today, colliers were relatively well paid. Indeed, at the Dale Furnace in 1799, only the Manager of the Furnace was paid more per month (9 pounds, 7 shillings and 6 pence or approximately $300.00/ year)than the "coaler" or collier (8 pounds). Even the furnace keeper, the individual responsible for the operation of the furnace, earned less than the colliers<ref> Gemmell 1949, 91</ref>. This is not quite as true between 1836-40 at the Hampton Furnace (Hereford Township, PA), when the colliers earned $17.50 compared to $25.00 for the keeper<ref> Gemmell 1949, 95</ref>. Cuts were made from the Colliers pay if the load was to small and/or the sticks weren't thoroughly charred <ref> Walker 1966 </ref>. The collier was a very important person in the iron making process, since he was the one who controlled the quality of the charcoal used for firing the furnace

(pg. 240, Walker, Hopewell Village)

The work was time consuming and required a lot of physical labor, and many of the Collier's originally came looking to make money by finding iron ore to make into iron.

(pg. 2, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)

• During the coaling the pits could not be neglected, so the collier was on constant duty, only eating or sleeping when the work allowed him to.

(pg. 245, Walker, Hopewell)

==Collier Homes and Villages==
When speaking about the Hopewell Village in Pennsylvania the charcoal furnace workers typically lived in special villages that were designed to accommodate both single and married workers and that were located far from surrounding towns, so as to be closer to their work. While these villages provided many workers with the necessary resources to survive, they were too remote for other workers to live in. Some single men rented houses or boarded in mansions in which they hired a woman to take care of them. For example, furnace employees were needed near the furnace while others were needed at the coaling pits that were located far away from the villages: Meaning that instead of living in the villages, many colliers worked closer to their specific area of work. The house nearest the furnace is called for identification purposes by the National Park Service Tenant House Number 1. <ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>Each apartment has a front and a rear door, two rooms on the first floor, two on the second and one on the third. Each side also has its stairway near the center of the house from the cellar to the third floor and a chimney serving a first floor fireplace. It is believed that some of the tenants' houses had yards surrounded by picket fences that served as an area to grow vegetables and keep pigs and cows.

It was recorded that the small stores in the villages only sold melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, much pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage, meaning that the families probably raised the rest of what they ate. Additionally, the rent for houses was between $12 to $25 per year while others were as high as $45 per year. Housing at the Hopewell furnace varied widely from the “luxury of the iron master's mansion” to the “makeshift accommodations of John Roberts in the brick kiln.” All in all there has been no evidence of terribly poor conditions despite the variety. <ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>

==Notes==
<references />
==References==
*''Agriculture and Rural economy – Charcoal → .'' 2010. The Encyclopedia of Diderot & d'Alembert Collaborative Translation Project. Ann Arbor: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library. [http://hdl.handle.net/2027/spo.did2222.0001.346]. Originally published as "Agriculture et économie rustique – Charbon de bois," Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, vol. 1 (plates) (Paris, 1762).

*Gemmell, Alfred. 1949. ''The Charcoal Iron Industry in the Perkiomen Valley.'' Norristown, PA.: Hartenstine Printing House.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*MeasuringWorth Foundation. 2020. ''Measuring Worth- Relative Worth Comparators and Data Sets''. [https://www.measuringworth.com/index.php . Accessed April 24, 2020]

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. [https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1]

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. ''History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.'' Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62.[https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf]

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. ''Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters.'' Advances in Historical Studies: 104-114.[http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2014.32010]

*Svedelius, G., Joseph Leonard W. Nicodemus, and Björn R. Anderson. 1875. ''Hand-book for Charcoal Burners.'' New York: Wiley. [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc2.ark:/13960/t7dr2qz7d&view=1up&seq=166]

*''United States Census, 1860,'' database with images, FamilySearch [https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33S7-9BSD-C5Y?cc=1473181&wc=7QL9-Y6C%3A1589434177%2C1589434982%2C1589435676] : 24 March 2017, Pennsylvania > Carbon > East Penn Township > image 2 of 22; from "1860 U.S. Federal Census - Population," database, Fold3.com (http://www.fold3.com : n.d.); citing NARA microfilm publication M653 (Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.).

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Colliers

2020-09-17T00:34:27Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Kemper 1941, 18 */

=Collier Life=
Historically, the collier profession was not one for the faint of heart, as great skill was required in order to successfully maintain multiple charcoal hearths at one time for months on end<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. Living alone, or occasionally with a son or apprentice, in a small [[Collier huts| collier hut]], colliers could not afford to lose concentration for even one moment, as the slightest wayward breeze or hole in the charcoal hearth could cause irreparable damage to the charcoal. However there were exceptions to this, and some colliers lived near the furnaces in more permanent housing<ref>Walker 1966,238</ref>, sometimes with the accompaniment of their families <ref>Walker 1966, 109</ref>. The Furnace management had to make certain that living quarters were available to all of their workmen. Some workers lived in homes they owned, others rented houses from the Furnace or local landlords. Rent for Furnace houses was usually from $12 to $25 per year. <ref>Walker 1966, 99</ref>. One such example of this can be identified in the 1860 census where John Bachman, a forty year old collier, was listed as living with his wife and eleven children, ages four months through nineteen years<ref>United States Census, 1860</ref>. More information on John Bachman can be found on the [[Lives of Workers]] page. Another notable collier in the area was [[Joseph Johns (1794-1906)]]. The collier's responsibilities did not begin until the wood had been sledded in from the wood chopper's ranks to the hearth and there set on end until the entire surface was filled.The collier was a very important workman, controlling to some degree the quality and quantity of the furnace product. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>.

The quality of charcoal was important to colliers' livelihood as high quality charcoal, charcoal that was strong, compact and heavy<ref> Walker 1966,240</ref>, fetched higher prices<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>. The collier profession required almost constant twenty-four-hour surveillance of the hearths [https://www.nps.gov/media/video/view.htm?id=FB3FA03A-1DD8-B71C-071149ADB08DBD2E]. A dangerous role a collier may have needed to perform was called "jumping the pit." This crucial job required a collier to climb onto the hearth and place more wood into any "soft spots" in the pile<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. If anything went awry, the collier risked falling into the smoldering charcoal fire<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. While making charcoal, colliers lived in the woods in roughly constructed [[collier huts]]<ref>Walker 1966, 242</ref>. During the winter months, colliers became woodcutters in order to get a full-years wage, as the ideal season for charcoal production was during the warmer months of the year<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. During the winter, the collier would cut billets and lapwood in preparation for the summer. They also used their time in the winter months to create baskets that were woven with thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. These baskets were then used for carrying leaves and anywhere from 2-½ to 3 bushels of charcoal<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Woodcutters were paid by the cord; some would try to deceive the system and loosely pile their billets or stack them over stumps to falsely increase the volume<ref> Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Often, the colliers lived at the site of production for months at a time, from late May to October. During the summer they lived in crude wood huts in areas with many insects. A master collier and one or two helpers "coaled" together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. This is probably why they wore long sleeves and pants, so as to protect them from the already volatile elements. Colliers bought relatively little food from the company store, leading to reason they must have raised much of what they ate. There were records of sales of melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage. Corn meal was a regular item of store purchase before 1808 and seldom appeared after that. Rye and wheat flour were the more common bases for baked items in later years. Sugar, tea, coffee, chocolate, salt, pepper and spices were kept in regular stock at the store. Preserving of meat was a problem for colliers before freezing was available<ref>Walker 1966, 111</ref>. Master Colliers had 1 or 2 helpers that coaled together, working as many as 9 pits at the same time <ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>. He first cleared his hearth of all vegetation which had grown there since the last time the tract had been coaled—possibly 30 years before—and raked out all the old dust to its edges. The next move was to locate the center of the hearth and to throw back enough of the lap-wood to enable him to get down to the surface<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>. The Collier would make a ladder by notching an 8 inch log that was long enough to reach from the ground to the head.<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Another tool used by the Collier was a crude wooden rake, made of six or seven 6-inch teeth placed about 2 inches apart in a small head, which was used to gather up the leaves on the forest floor. After the leaves were raked, they were collected into the Collier's handmade basket so the could be scattered on the pit. These baskets were made by the Collier during the winter months by weaving together thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. Each one held about 2 1/2 to 3 bushels of charcoal. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. A long handled Collier's shovel was used to spread the dust on the pit. With just a small twist of the wrist while using the shovel spread the dust evenly to make sure all parts of the pit were covered.

(pg. 18, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)
Charcoal wagons were used to transport the charcoal. These wagons held between 100 to 300 bushels of coal, and were drawn by 6-mule teams and had high sideboards and a bottom that pulled out.

==Collier Pay==
Colliers were paid for their charring approximately $1.12-$1.25 per one hundred bushels of charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 117</ref>. According to Walker<ref> Walker 1966, 261</ref>, colliers at Hopewell Furnace (Birdsboro, PA) made a monthly pay between $8.62-$20.62 in 1805-1807, $16.00-$23.00 in 1818-1820, $13.50-$18.00 in 1825-1827 and 1835-1837 and $17.50-$24.00 in 1851-1853. In order to better understand how much this is worth, we can convert this to modern amounts using Measuring Worth<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref>. For example, if we just adjust for inflation, $8.62 in 1805 is equivalent to $194.00 today (2019). That is an incomplete picture, however, because it does not take into account economic growth. "Relative labor earnings" is a better measure because it compares the wage to the average wage from the two time periods<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/#measures</ref>. Using this measure,<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref> $8.62 in 1805 would be more like getting paid between $3,110.00 (unskilled labor) to $5,940.00 (skilled labor) today (2019). Similarly, $17.50 in 1835 would have a "relative labor earnings" value of $5,170.00 (unskilled) and $10,500.00 (skilled). This suggests that, relative to today, colliers were relatively well paid. Indeed, at the Dale Furnace in 1799, only the Manager of the Furnace was paid more per month (9 pounds, 7 shillings and 6 pence or approximately $300.00/ year)than the "coaler" or collier (8 pounds). Even the furnace keeper, the individual responsible for the operation of the furnace, earned less than the colliers<ref> Gemmell 1949, 91</ref>. This is not quite as true between 1836-40 at the Hampton Furnace (Hereford Township, PA), when the colliers earned $17.50 compared to $25.00 for the keeper<ref> Gemmell 1949, 95</ref>. Cuts were made from the Colliers pay if the load was to small and/or the sticks weren't thoroughly charred <ref> Walker 1966 </ref>. The collier was a very important person in the iron making process, since he was the one who controlled the quality of the charcoal used for firing the furnace

(pg. 240, Walker, Hopewell Village)

The work was time consuming and required a lot of physical labor, and many of the Collier's originally came looking to make money by finding iron ore to make into iron.

(pg. 2, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)

• During the coaling the pits could not be neglected, so the collier was on constant duty, only eating or sleeping when the work allowed him to.

(pg. 245, Walker, Hopewell)

==Collier Homes and Villages==
When speaking about the Hopewell Village in Pennsylvania the charcoal furnace workers typically lived in special villages that were designed to accommodate both single and married workers and that were located far from surrounding towns, so as to be closer to their work. While these villages provided many workers with the necessary resources to survive, they were too remote for other workers to live in. Some single men rented houses or boarded in mansions in which they hired a woman to take care of them. For example, furnace employees were needed near the furnace while others were needed at the coaling pits that were located far away from the villages: Meaning that instead of living in the villages, many colliers worked closer to their specific area of work. The house nearest the furnace is called for identification purposes by the National Park Service Tenant House Number 1. <ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>Each apartment has a front and a rear door, two rooms on the first floor, two on the second and one on the third. Each side also has its stairway near the center of the house from the cellar to the third floor and a chimney serving a first floor fireplace. It is believed that some of the tenants' houses had yards surrounded by picket fences that served as an area to grow vegetables and keep pigs and cows.

It was recorded that the small stores in the villages only sold melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, much pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage, meaning that the families probably raised the rest of what they ate. Additionally, the rent for houses was between $12 to $25 per year while others were as high as $45 per year. Housing at the Hopewell furnace varied widely from the “luxury of the iron master's mansion” to the “makeshift accommodations of John Roberts in the brick kiln.” All in all there has been no evidence of terribly poor conditions despite the variety. <ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>

==Notes==
<references />
==References==
*''Agriculture and Rural economy – Charcoal → .'' 2010. The Encyclopedia of Diderot & d'Alembert Collaborative Translation Project. Ann Arbor: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library. [http://hdl.handle.net/2027/spo.did2222.0001.346]. Originally published as "Agriculture et économie rustique – Charbon de bois," Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, vol. 1 (plates) (Paris, 1762).

*Gemmell, Alfred. 1949. ''The Charcoal Iron Industry in the Perkiomen Valley.'' Norristown, PA.: Hartenstine Printing House.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*MeasuringWorth Foundation. 2020. ''Measuring Worth- Relative Worth Comparators and Data Sets''. [https://www.measuringworth.com/index.php . Accessed April 24, 2020]

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. [https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1]

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. ''History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.'' Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62.[https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf]

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. ''Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters.'' Advances in Historical Studies: 104-114.[http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2014.32010]

*Svedelius, G., Joseph Leonard W. Nicodemus, and Björn R. Anderson. 1875. ''Hand-book for Charcoal Burners.'' New York: Wiley. [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc2.ark:/13960/t7dr2qz7d&view=1up&seq=166]

*''United States Census, 1860,'' database with images, FamilySearch [https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33S7-9BSD-C5Y?cc=1473181&wc=7QL9-Y6C%3A1589434177%2C1589434982%2C1589435676] : 24 March 2017, Pennsylvania > Carbon > East Penn Township > image 2 of 22; from "1860 U.S. Federal Census - Population," database, Fold3.com (http://www.fold3.com : n.d.); citing NARA microfilm publication M653 (Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.).

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Colliers

2020-09-17T00:33:52Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Notes */

=Collier Life=
Historically, the collier profession was not one for the faint of heart, as great skill was required in order to successfully maintain multiple charcoal hearths at one time for months on end<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. Living alone, or occasionally with a son or apprentice, in a small [[Collier huts| collier hut]], colliers could not afford to lose concentration for even one moment, as the slightest wayward breeze or hole in the charcoal hearth could cause irreparable damage to the charcoal. However there were exceptions to this, and some colliers lived near the furnaces in more permanent housing<ref>Walker 1966,238</ref>, sometimes with the accompaniment of their families <ref>Walker 1966, 109</ref>. The Furnace management had to make certain that living quarters were available to all of their workmen. Some workers lived in homes they owned, others rented houses from the Furnace or local landlords. Rent for Furnace houses was usually from $12 to $25 per year. <ref>Walker 1966, 99</ref>. One such example of this can be identified in the 1860 census where John Bachman, a forty year old collier, was listed as living with his wife and eleven children, ages four months through nineteen years<ref>United States Census, 1860</ref>. More information on John Bachman can be found on the [[Lives of Workers]] page. Another notable collier in the area was [[Joseph Johns (1794-1906)]]. The collier's responsibilities did not begin until the wood had been sledded in from the wood chopper's ranks to the hearth and there set on end until the entire surface was filled.The collier was a very important workman, controlling to some degree the quality and quantity of the furnace product. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>.

The quality of charcoal was important to colliers' livelihood as high quality charcoal, charcoal that was strong, compact and heavy<ref> Walker 1966,240</ref>, fetched higher prices<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>. The collier profession required almost constant twenty-four-hour surveillance of the hearths [https://www.nps.gov/media/video/view.htm?id=FB3FA03A-1DD8-B71C-071149ADB08DBD2E]. A dangerous role a collier may have needed to perform was called "jumping the pit." This crucial job required a collier to climb onto the hearth and place more wood into any "soft spots" in the pile<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. If anything went awry, the collier risked falling into the smoldering charcoal fire<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. While making charcoal, colliers lived in the woods in roughly constructed [[collier huts]]<ref>Walker 1966, 242</ref>. During the winter months, colliers became woodcutters in order to get a full-years wage, as the ideal season for charcoal production was during the warmer months of the year<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. During the winter, the collier would cut billets and lapwood in preparation for the summer. They also used their time in the winter months to create baskets that were woven with thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. These baskets were then used for carrying leaves and anywhere from 2-½ to 3 bushels of charcoal<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Woodcutters were paid by the cord; some would try to deceive the system and loosely pile their billets or stack them over stumps to falsely increase the volume<ref> Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Often, the colliers lived at the site of production for months at a time, from late May to October. During the summer they lived in crude wood huts in areas with many insects. A master collier and one or two helpers "coaled" together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. This is probably why they wore long sleeves and pants, so as to protect them from the already volatile elements. Colliers bought relatively little food from the company store, leading to reason they must have raised much of what they ate. There were records of sales of melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage. Corn meal was a regular item of store purchase before 1808 and seldom appeared after that. Rye and wheat flour were the more common bases for baked items in later years. Sugar, tea, coffee, chocolate, salt, pepper and spices were kept in regular stock at the store. Preserving of meat was a problem for colliers before freezing was available<ref>Walker 1966, 111</ref>. Master Colliers had 1 or 2 helpers that coaled together, working as many as 9 pits at the same time <ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>. He first cleared his hearth of all vegetation which had grown there since the last time the tract had been coaled—possibly 30 years before—and raked out all the old dust to its edges. The next move was to locate the center of the hearth and to throw back enough of the lap-wood to enable him to get down to the surface<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>. The Collier would make a ladder by notching an 8 inch log that was long enough to reach from the ground to the head.<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Another tool used by the Collier was a crude wooden rake, made of six or seven 6-inch teeth placed about 2 inches apart in a small head, which was used to gather up the leaves on the forest floor. After the leaves were raked, they were collected into the Collier's handmade basket so the could be scattered on the pit. These baskets were made by the Collier during the winter months by weaving together thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. Each one held about 2 1/2 to 3 bushels of charcoal. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. A long handled Collier's shovel was used to spread the dust on the pit. With just a small twist of the wrist while using the shovel spread the dust evenly to make sure all parts of the pit were covered.

(pg. 18, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)
Charcoal wagons were used to transport the charcoal. These wagons held between 100 to 300 bushels of coal, and were drawn by 6-mule teams and had high sideboards and a bottom that pulled out.

==Collier Pay==
Colliers were paid for their charring approximately $1.12-$1.25 per one hundred bushels of charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 117</ref>. According to Walker<ref> Walker 1966, 261</ref>, colliers at Hopewell Furnace (Birdsboro, PA) made a monthly pay between $8.62-$20.62 in 1805-1807, $16.00-$23.00 in 1818-1820, $13.50-$18.00 in 1825-1827 and 1835-1837 and $17.50-$24.00 in 1851-1853. In order to better understand how much this is worth, we can convert this to modern amounts using Measuring Worth<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref>. For example, if we just adjust for inflation, $8.62 in 1805 is equivalent to $194.00 today (2019). That is an incomplete picture, however, because it does not take into account economic growth. "Relative labor earnings" is a better measure because it compares the wage to the average wage from the two time periods<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/#measures</ref>. Using this measure,<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref> $8.62 in 1805 would be more like getting paid between $3,110.00 (unskilled labor) to $5,940.00 (skilled labor) today (2019). Similarly, $17.50 in 1835 would have a "relative labor earnings" value of $5,170.00 (unskilled) and $10,500.00 (skilled). This suggests that, relative to today, colliers were relatively well paid. Indeed, at the Dale Furnace in 1799, only the Manager of the Furnace was paid more per month (9 pounds, 7 shillings and 6 pence or approximately $300.00/ year)than the "coaler" or collier (8 pounds). Even the furnace keeper, the individual responsible for the operation of the furnace, earned less than the colliers<ref> Gemmell 1949, 91</ref>. This is not quite as true between 1836-40 at the Hampton Furnace (Hereford Township, PA), when the colliers earned $17.50 compared to $25.00 for the keeper<ref> Gemmell 1949, 95</ref>. Cuts were made from the Colliers pay if the load was to small and/or the sticks weren't thoroughly charred <ref> Walker 1966 </ref>. The collier was a very important person in the iron making process, since he was the one who controlled the quality of the charcoal used for firing the furnace

(pg. 240, Walker, Hopewell Village)

The work was time consuming and required a lot of physical labor, and many of the Collier's originally came looking to make money by finding iron ore to make into iron.

(pg. 2, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)

• During the coaling the pits could not be neglected, so the collier was on constant duty, only eating or sleeping when the work allowed him to.

(pg. 245, Walker, Hopewell)

==Collier Homes and Villages==
When speaking about the Hopewell Village in Pennsylvania the charcoal furnace workers typically lived in special villages that were designed to accommodate both single and married workers and that were located far from surrounding towns, so as to be closer to their work. While these villages provided many workers with the necessary resources to survive, they were too remote for other workers to live in. Some single men rented houses or boarded in mansions in which they hired a woman to take care of them. For example, furnace employees were needed near the furnace while others were needed at the coaling pits that were located far away from the villages: Meaning that instead of living in the villages, many colliers worked closer to their specific area of work. The house nearest the furnace is called for identification purposes by the National Park Service Tenant House Number 1. <ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>Each apartment has a front and a rear door, two rooms on the first floor, two on the second and one on the third. Each side also has its stairway near the center of the house from the cellar to the third floor and a chimney serving a first floor fireplace. It is believed that some of the tenants' houses had yards surrounded by picket fences that served as an area to grow vegetables and keep pigs and cows.

It was recorded that the small stores in the villages only sold melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, much pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage, meaning that the families probably raised the rest of what they ate. Additionally, the rent for houses was between $12 to $25 per year while others were as high as $45 per year. Housing at the Hopewell furnace varied widely from the “luxury of the iron master's mansion” to the “makeshift accommodations of John Roberts in the brick kiln.” All in all there has been no evidence of terribly poor conditions despite the variety. <ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>

==Notes==
<references />
==Kemper 1941, 18==

==References==
*''Agriculture and Rural economy – Charcoal → .'' 2010. The Encyclopedia of Diderot & d'Alembert Collaborative Translation Project. Ann Arbor: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library. [http://hdl.handle.net/2027/spo.did2222.0001.346]. Originally published as "Agriculture et économie rustique – Charbon de bois," Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, vol. 1 (plates) (Paris, 1762).

*Gemmell, Alfred. 1949. ''The Charcoal Iron Industry in the Perkiomen Valley.'' Norristown, PA.: Hartenstine Printing House.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*MeasuringWorth Foundation. 2020. ''Measuring Worth- Relative Worth Comparators and Data Sets''. [https://www.measuringworth.com/index.php . Accessed April 24, 2020]

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. [https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1]

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. ''History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.'' Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62.[https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf]

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. ''Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters.'' Advances in Historical Studies: 104-114.[http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2014.32010]

*Svedelius, G., Joseph Leonard W. Nicodemus, and Björn R. Anderson. 1875. ''Hand-book for Charcoal Burners.'' New York: Wiley. [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc2.ark:/13960/t7dr2qz7d&view=1up&seq=166]

*''United States Census, 1860,'' database with images, FamilySearch [https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33S7-9BSD-C5Y?cc=1473181&wc=7QL9-Y6C%3A1589434177%2C1589434982%2C1589435676] : 24 March 2017, Pennsylvania > Carbon > East Penn Township > image 2 of 22; from "1860 U.S. Federal Census - Population," database, Fold3.com (http://www.fold3.com : n.d.); citing NARA microfilm publication M653 (Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.).

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Colliers

2020-09-17T00:26:48Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Collier Life */

=Collier Life=
Historically, the collier profession was not one for the faint of heart, as great skill was required in order to successfully maintain multiple charcoal hearths at one time for months on end<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. Living alone, or occasionally with a son or apprentice, in a small [[Collier huts| collier hut]], colliers could not afford to lose concentration for even one moment, as the slightest wayward breeze or hole in the charcoal hearth could cause irreparable damage to the charcoal. However there were exceptions to this, and some colliers lived near the furnaces in more permanent housing<ref>Walker 1966,238</ref>, sometimes with the accompaniment of their families <ref>Walker 1966, 109</ref>. The Furnace management had to make certain that living quarters were available to all of their workmen. Some workers lived in homes they owned, others rented houses from the Furnace or local landlords. Rent for Furnace houses was usually from $12 to $25 per year. <ref>Walker 1966, 99</ref>. One such example of this can be identified in the 1860 census where John Bachman, a forty year old collier, was listed as living with his wife and eleven children, ages four months through nineteen years<ref>United States Census, 1860</ref>. More information on John Bachman can be found on the [[Lives of Workers]] page. Another notable collier in the area was [[Joseph Johns (1794-1906)]]. The collier's responsibilities did not begin until the wood had been sledded in from the wood chopper's ranks to the hearth and there set on end until the entire surface was filled.The collier was a very important workman, controlling to some degree the quality and quantity of the furnace product. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>.

The quality of charcoal was important to colliers' livelihood as high quality charcoal, charcoal that was strong, compact and heavy<ref> Walker 1966,240</ref>, fetched higher prices<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>. The collier profession required almost constant twenty-four-hour surveillance of the hearths [https://www.nps.gov/media/video/view.htm?id=FB3FA03A-1DD8-B71C-071149ADB08DBD2E]. A dangerous role a collier may have needed to perform was called "jumping the pit." This crucial job required a collier to climb onto the hearth and place more wood into any "soft spots" in the pile<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. If anything went awry, the collier risked falling into the smoldering charcoal fire<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. While making charcoal, colliers lived in the woods in roughly constructed [[collier huts]]<ref>Walker 1966, 242</ref>. During the winter months, colliers became woodcutters in order to get a full-years wage, as the ideal season for charcoal production was during the warmer months of the year<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. During the winter, the collier would cut billets and lapwood in preparation for the summer. They also used their time in the winter months to create baskets that were woven with thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. These baskets were then used for carrying leaves and anywhere from 2-½ to 3 bushels of charcoal<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Woodcutters were paid by the cord; some would try to deceive the system and loosely pile their billets or stack them over stumps to falsely increase the volume<ref> Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Often, the colliers lived at the site of production for months at a time, from late May to October. During the summer they lived in crude wood huts in areas with many insects. A master collier and one or two helpers "coaled" together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. This is probably why they wore long sleeves and pants, so as to protect them from the already volatile elements. Colliers bought relatively little food from the company store, leading to reason they must have raised much of what they ate. There were records of sales of melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage. Corn meal was a regular item of store purchase before 1808 and seldom appeared after that. Rye and wheat flour were the more common bases for baked items in later years. Sugar, tea, coffee, chocolate, salt, pepper and spices were kept in regular stock at the store. Preserving of meat was a problem for colliers before freezing was available<ref>Walker 1966, 111</ref>. Master Colliers had 1 or 2 helpers that coaled together, working as many as 9 pits at the same time <ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>. He first cleared his hearth of all vegetation which had grown there since the last time the tract had been coaled—possibly 30 years before—and raked out all the old dust to its edges. The next move was to locate the center of the hearth and to throw back enough of the lap-wood to enable him to get down to the surface<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>. The Collier would make a ladder by notching an 8 inch log that was long enough to reach from the ground to the head.<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Another tool used by the Collier was a crude wooden rake, made of six or seven 6-inch teeth placed about 2 inches apart in a small head, which was used to gather up the leaves on the forest floor. After the leaves were raked, they were collected into the Collier's handmade basket so the could be scattered on the pit. These baskets were made by the Collier during the winter months by weaving together thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. Each one held about 2 1/2 to 3 bushels of charcoal. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. A long handled Collier's shovel was used to spread the dust on the pit. With just a small twist of the wrist while using the shovel spread the dust evenly to make sure all parts of the pit were covered.

(pg. 18, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)
Charcoal wagons were used to transport the charcoal. These wagons held between 100 to 300 bushels of coal, and were drawn by 6-mule teams and had high sideboards and a bottom that pulled out.

==Collier Pay==
Colliers were paid for their charring approximately $1.12-$1.25 per one hundred bushels of charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 117</ref>. According to Walker<ref> Walker 1966, 261</ref>, colliers at Hopewell Furnace (Birdsboro, PA) made a monthly pay between $8.62-$20.62 in 1805-1807, $16.00-$23.00 in 1818-1820, $13.50-$18.00 in 1825-1827 and 1835-1837 and $17.50-$24.00 in 1851-1853. In order to better understand how much this is worth, we can convert this to modern amounts using Measuring Worth<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref>. For example, if we just adjust for inflation, $8.62 in 1805 is equivalent to $194.00 today (2019). That is an incomplete picture, however, because it does not take into account economic growth. "Relative labor earnings" is a better measure because it compares the wage to the average wage from the two time periods<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/#measures</ref>. Using this measure,<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref> $8.62 in 1805 would be more like getting paid between $3,110.00 (unskilled labor) to $5,940.00 (skilled labor) today (2019). Similarly, $17.50 in 1835 would have a "relative labor earnings" value of $5,170.00 (unskilled) and $10,500.00 (skilled). This suggests that, relative to today, colliers were relatively well paid. Indeed, at the Dale Furnace in 1799, only the Manager of the Furnace was paid more per month (9 pounds, 7 shillings and 6 pence or approximately $300.00/ year)than the "coaler" or collier (8 pounds). Even the furnace keeper, the individual responsible for the operation of the furnace, earned less than the colliers<ref> Gemmell 1949, 91</ref>. This is not quite as true between 1836-40 at the Hampton Furnace (Hereford Township, PA), when the colliers earned $17.50 compared to $25.00 for the keeper<ref> Gemmell 1949, 95</ref>. Cuts were made from the Colliers pay if the load was to small and/or the sticks weren't thoroughly charred <ref> Walker 1966 </ref>. The collier was a very important person in the iron making process, since he was the one who controlled the quality of the charcoal used for firing the furnace

(pg. 240, Walker, Hopewell Village)

The work was time consuming and required a lot of physical labor, and many of the Collier's originally came looking to make money by finding iron ore to make into iron.

(pg. 2, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)

• During the coaling the pits could not be neglected, so the collier was on constant duty, only eating or sleeping when the work allowed him to.

(pg. 245, Walker, Hopewell)

==Collier Homes and Villages==
When speaking about the Hopewell Village in Pennsylvania the charcoal furnace workers typically lived in special villages that were designed to accommodate both single and married workers and that were located far from surrounding towns, so as to be closer to their work. While these villages provided many workers with the necessary resources to survive, they were too remote for other workers to live in. Some single men rented houses or boarded in mansions in which they hired a woman to take care of them. For example, furnace employees were needed near the furnace while others were needed at the coaling pits that were located far away from the villages: Meaning that instead of living in the villages, many colliers worked closer to their specific area of work. The house nearest the furnace is called for identification purposes by the National Park Service Tenant House Number 1. <ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>Each apartment has a front and a rear door, two rooms on the first floor, two on the second and one on the third. Each side also has its stairway near the center of the house from the cellar to the third floor and a chimney serving a first floor fireplace. It is believed that some of the tenants' houses had yards surrounded by picket fences that served as an area to grow vegetables and keep pigs and cows.

It was recorded that the small stores in the villages only sold melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, much pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage, meaning that the families probably raised the rest of what they ate. Additionally, the rent for houses was between $12 to $25 per year while others were as high as $45 per year. Housing at the Hopewell furnace varied widely from the “luxury of the iron master's mansion” to the “makeshift accommodations of John Roberts in the brick kiln.” All in all there has been no evidence of terribly poor conditions despite the variety. <ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
*''Agriculture and Rural economy – Charcoal → .'' 2010. The Encyclopedia of Diderot & d'Alembert Collaborative Translation Project. Ann Arbor: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library. [http://hdl.handle.net/2027/spo.did2222.0001.346]. Originally published as "Agriculture et économie rustique – Charbon de bois," Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, vol. 1 (plates) (Paris, 1762).

*Gemmell, Alfred. 1949. ''The Charcoal Iron Industry in the Perkiomen Valley.'' Norristown, PA.: Hartenstine Printing House.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*MeasuringWorth Foundation. 2020. ''Measuring Worth- Relative Worth Comparators and Data Sets''. [https://www.measuringworth.com/index.php . Accessed April 24, 2020]

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. [https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1]

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. ''History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.'' Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62.[https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf]

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. ''Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters.'' Advances in Historical Studies: 104-114.[http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2014.32010]

*Svedelius, G., Joseph Leonard W. Nicodemus, and Björn R. Anderson. 1875. ''Hand-book for Charcoal Burners.'' New York: Wiley. [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc2.ark:/13960/t7dr2qz7d&view=1up&seq=166]

*''United States Census, 1860,'' database with images, FamilySearch [https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33S7-9BSD-C5Y?cc=1473181&wc=7QL9-Y6C%3A1589434177%2C1589434982%2C1589435676] : 24 March 2017, Pennsylvania > Carbon > East Penn Township > image 2 of 22; from "1860 U.S. Federal Census - Population," database, Fold3.com (http://www.fold3.com : n.d.); citing NARA microfilm publication M653 (Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.).

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Colliers

2020-09-17T00:24:20Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Collier Life */

=Collier Life=
Historically, the collier profession was not one for the faint of heart, as great skill was required in order to successfully maintain multiple charcoal hearths at one time for months on end<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. Living alone, or occasionally with a son or apprentice, in a small [[Collier huts| collier hut]], colliers could not afford to lose concentration for even one moment, as the slightest wayward breeze or hole in the charcoal hearth could cause irreparable damage to the charcoal. However there were exceptions to this, and some colliers lived near the furnaces in more permanent housing<ref>Walker 1966,238</ref>, sometimes with the accompaniment of their families <ref>Walker 1966, 109</ref>. The Furnace management had to make certain that living quarters were available to all of their workmen. Some workers lived in homes they owned, others rented houses from the Furnace or local landlords. Rent for Furnace houses was usually from $12 to $25 per year. <ref>Walker 1966, 99</ref>. One such example of this can be identified in the 1860 census where John Bachman, a forty year old collier, was listed as living with his wife and eleven children, ages four months through nineteen years<ref>United States Census, 1860</ref>. More information on John Bachman can be found on the [[Lives of Workers]] page. Another notable collier in the area was [[Joseph Johns (1794-1906)]]. The collier's responsibilities did not begin until the wood had been sledded in from the wood chopper's ranks to the hearth and there set on end until the entire surface was filled.The collier was a very important workman, controlling to some degree the quality and quantity of the furnace product. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>.

The quality of charcoal was important to colliers' livelihood as high quality charcoal, charcoal that was strong, compact and heavy<ref> Walker 1966,240</ref>, fetched higher prices<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>. The collier profession required almost constant twenty-four-hour surveillance of the hearths [https://www.nps.gov/media/video/view.htm?id=FB3FA03A-1DD8-B71C-071149ADB08DBD2E]. A dangerous role a collier may have needed to perform was called "jumping the pit." This crucial job required a collier to climb onto the hearth and place more wood into any "soft spots" in the pile<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. If anything went awry, the collier risked falling into the smoldering charcoal fire<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. While making charcoal, colliers lived in the woods in roughly constructed [[collier huts]]<ref>Walker 1966, 242</ref>. During the winter months, colliers became woodcutters in order to get a full-years wage, as the ideal season for charcoal production was during the warmer months of the year<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. During the winter, the collier would cut billets and lapwood in preparation for the summer. They also used their time in the winter months to create baskets that were woven with thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. These baskets were then used for carrying leaves and anywhere from 2-½ to 3 bushels of charcoal<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Woodcutters were paid by the cord; some would try to deceive the system and loosely pile their billets or stack them over stumps to falsely increase the volume<ref> Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Often, the colliers lived at the site of production for months at a time, from late May to October. During the summer they lived in crude wood huts in areas with many insects. A master collier and one or two helpers "coaled" together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. This is probably why they wore long sleeves and pants, so as to protect them from the already volatile elements. Colliers bought relatively little food from the company store, leading to reason they must have raised much of what they ate. There were records of sales of melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage. Corn meal was a regular item of store purchase before 1808 and seldom appeared after that. Rye and wheat flour were the more common bases for baked items in later years. Sugar, tea, coffee, chocolate, salt, pepper and spices were kept in regular stock at the store. Preserving of meat was a problem for colliers before freezing was available<ref>Walker 1966, 111</ref>. Master Colliers had 1 or 2 helpers that coaled together, working as many as 9 pits at the same time <ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>. He first cleared his hearth of all vegetation which had grown there since the last time the tract had been coaled—possibly 30 years before—and raked out all the old dust to its edges. The next move was to locate the center of the hearth and to throw back enough of the lap-wood to enable him to get down to the surface<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>. The Collier would make a ladder by notching an 8 inch log that was long enough to reach from the ground to the head.<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>

Another tool used by the Collier was a crude wooden rake, made of six or seven 6-inch teeth placed about 2 inches apart in a small head, which was used to gather up the leaves on the forest floor. • After the leaves were raked, they were collected into the Collier's handmade basket so the could be scattered on the pit. These baskets were made by the Collier during the winter months by weaving together thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. Each one held about 2 1/2 to 3 bushels of charcoal.
(P. 16, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)
A long handled Collier's shovel was used to spread the dust on the pit. With just a small twist of the wrist while using the shovel spread the dust evenly to make sure all parts of the pit were covered.
(pg. 18, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)
Charcoal wagons were used to transport the charcoal. These wagons held between 100 to 300 bushels of coal, and were drawn by 6-mule teams and had high sideboards and a bottom that pulled out.

==Collier Pay==
Colliers were paid for their charring approximately $1.12-$1.25 per one hundred bushels of charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 117</ref>. According to Walker<ref> Walker 1966, 261</ref>, colliers at Hopewell Furnace (Birdsboro, PA) made a monthly pay between $8.62-$20.62 in 1805-1807, $16.00-$23.00 in 1818-1820, $13.50-$18.00 in 1825-1827 and 1835-1837 and $17.50-$24.00 in 1851-1853. In order to better understand how much this is worth, we can convert this to modern amounts using Measuring Worth<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref>. For example, if we just adjust for inflation, $8.62 in 1805 is equivalent to $194.00 today (2019). That is an incomplete picture, however, because it does not take into account economic growth. "Relative labor earnings" is a better measure because it compares the wage to the average wage from the two time periods<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/#measures</ref>. Using this measure,<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref> $8.62 in 1805 would be more like getting paid between $3,110.00 (unskilled labor) to $5,940.00 (skilled labor) today (2019). Similarly, $17.50 in 1835 would have a "relative labor earnings" value of $5,170.00 (unskilled) and $10,500.00 (skilled). This suggests that, relative to today, colliers were relatively well paid. Indeed, at the Dale Furnace in 1799, only the Manager of the Furnace was paid more per month (9 pounds, 7 shillings and 6 pence or approximately $300.00/ year)than the "coaler" or collier (8 pounds). Even the furnace keeper, the individual responsible for the operation of the furnace, earned less than the colliers<ref> Gemmell 1949, 91</ref>. This is not quite as true between 1836-40 at the Hampton Furnace (Hereford Township, PA), when the colliers earned $17.50 compared to $25.00 for the keeper<ref> Gemmell 1949, 95</ref>. Cuts were made from the Colliers pay if the load was to small and/or the sticks weren't thoroughly charred <ref> Walker 1966 </ref>. The collier was a very important person in the iron making process, since he was the one who controlled the quality of the charcoal used for firing the furnace

(pg. 240, Walker, Hopewell Village)

The work was time consuming and required a lot of physical labor, and many of the Collier's originally came looking to make money by finding iron ore to make into iron.

(pg. 2, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)

• During the coaling the pits could not be neglected, so the collier was on constant duty, only eating or sleeping when the work allowed him to.

(pg. 245, Walker, Hopewell)

==Collier Homes and Villages==
When speaking about the Hopewell Village in Pennsylvania the charcoal furnace workers typically lived in special villages that were designed to accommodate both single and married workers and that were located far from surrounding towns, so as to be closer to their work. While these villages provided many workers with the necessary resources to survive, they were too remote for other workers to live in. Some single men rented houses or boarded in mansions in which they hired a woman to take care of them. For example, furnace employees were needed near the furnace while others were needed at the coaling pits that were located far away from the villages: Meaning that instead of living in the villages, many colliers worked closer to their specific area of work. The house nearest the furnace is called for identification purposes by the National Park Service Tenant House Number 1. <ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>Each apartment has a front and a rear door, two rooms on the first floor, two on the second and one on the third. Each side also has its stairway near the center of the house from the cellar to the third floor and a chimney serving a first floor fireplace. It is believed that some of the tenants' houses had yards surrounded by picket fences that served as an area to grow vegetables and keep pigs and cows.

It was recorded that the small stores in the villages only sold melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, much pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage, meaning that the families probably raised the rest of what they ate. Additionally, the rent for houses was between $12 to $25 per year while others were as high as $45 per year. Housing at the Hopewell furnace varied widely from the “luxury of the iron master's mansion” to the “makeshift accommodations of John Roberts in the brick kiln.” All in all there has been no evidence of terribly poor conditions despite the variety. <ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
*''Agriculture and Rural economy – Charcoal → .'' 2010. The Encyclopedia of Diderot & d'Alembert Collaborative Translation Project. Ann Arbor: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library. [http://hdl.handle.net/2027/spo.did2222.0001.346]. Originally published as "Agriculture et économie rustique – Charbon de bois," Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, vol. 1 (plates) (Paris, 1762).

*Gemmell, Alfred. 1949. ''The Charcoal Iron Industry in the Perkiomen Valley.'' Norristown, PA.: Hartenstine Printing House.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*MeasuringWorth Foundation. 2020. ''Measuring Worth- Relative Worth Comparators and Data Sets''. [https://www.measuringworth.com/index.php . Accessed April 24, 2020]

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. [https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1]

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. ''History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.'' Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62.[https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf]

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. ''Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters.'' Advances in Historical Studies: 104-114.[http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2014.32010]

*Svedelius, G., Joseph Leonard W. Nicodemus, and Björn R. Anderson. 1875. ''Hand-book for Charcoal Burners.'' New York: Wiley. [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc2.ark:/13960/t7dr2qz7d&view=1up&seq=166]

*''United States Census, 1860,'' database with images, FamilySearch [https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33S7-9BSD-C5Y?cc=1473181&wc=7QL9-Y6C%3A1589434177%2C1589434982%2C1589435676] : 24 March 2017, Pennsylvania > Carbon > East Penn Township > image 2 of 22; from "1860 U.S. Federal Census - Population," database, Fold3.com (http://www.fold3.com : n.d.); citing NARA microfilm publication M653 (Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.).

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Colliers

2020-09-17T00:22:45Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Collier Life */

=Collier Life=
Historically, the collier profession was not one for the faint of heart, as great skill was required in order to successfully maintain multiple charcoal hearths at one time for months on end<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. Living alone, or occasionally with a son or apprentice, in a small [[Collier huts| collier hut]], colliers could not afford to lose concentration for even one moment, as the slightest wayward breeze or hole in the charcoal hearth could cause irreparable damage to the charcoal. However there were exceptions to this, and some colliers lived near the furnaces in more permanent housing<ref>Walker 1966,238</ref>, sometimes with the accompaniment of their families <ref>Walker 1966, 109</ref>. The Furnace management had to make certain that living quarters were available to all of their workmen. Some workers lived in homes they owned, others rented houses from the Furnace or local landlords. Rent for Furnace houses was usually from $12 to $25 per year. <ref>Walker 1966, 99</ref>. One such example of this can be identified in the 1860 census where John Bachman, a forty year old collier, was listed as living with his wife and eleven children, ages four months through nineteen years<ref>United States Census, 1860</ref>. More information on John Bachman can be found on the [[Lives of Workers]] page. Another notable collier in the area was [[Joseph Johns (1794-1906)]]. The collier's responsibilities did not begin until the wood had been sledded in from the wood chopper's ranks to the hearth and there set on end until the entire surface was filled.The collier was a very important workman, controlling to some degree the quality and quantity of the furnace product. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>.

The quality of charcoal was important to colliers' livelihood as high quality charcoal, charcoal that was strong, compact and heavy<ref> Walker 1966,240</ref>, fetched higher prices<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>. The collier profession required almost constant twenty-four-hour surveillance of the hearths [https://www.nps.gov/media/video/view.htm?id=FB3FA03A-1DD8-B71C-071149ADB08DBD2E]. A dangerous role a collier may have needed to perform was called "jumping the pit." This crucial job required a collier to climb onto the hearth and place more wood into any "soft spots" in the pile<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. If anything went awry, the collier risked falling into the smoldering charcoal fire<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. While making charcoal, colliers lived in the woods in roughly constructed [[collier huts]]<ref>Walker 1966, 242</ref>. During the winter months, colliers became woodcutters in order to get a full-years wage, as the ideal season for charcoal production was during the warmer months of the year<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. During the winter, the collier would cut billets and lapwood in preparation for the summer. They also used their time in the winter months to create baskets that were woven with thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. These baskets were then used for carrying leaves and anywhere from 2-½ to 3 bushels of charcoal<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Woodcutters were paid by the cord; some would try to deceive the system and loosely pile their billets or stack them over stumps to falsely increase the volume<ref> Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Often, the colliers lived at the site of production for months at a time, from late May to October. During the summer they lived in crude wood huts in areas with many insects. A master collier and one or two helpers "coaled" together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. This is probably why they wore long sleeves and pants, so as to protect them from the already volatile elements. Colliers bought relatively little food from the company store, leading to reason they must have raised much of what they ate. There were records of sales of melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage. Corn meal was a regular item of store purchase before 1808 and seldom appeared after that. Rye and wheat flour were the more common bases for baked items in later years. Sugar, tea, coffee, chocolate, salt, pepper and spices were kept in regular stock at the store. Preserving of meat was a problem for colliers before freezing was available<ref>Walker 1966, 111</ref>. Master Colliers had 1 or 2 helpers that coaled together, working as many as 9 pits at the same time <ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>

He first cleared his hearth of all vegetation which had grown there since the last time the tract had been coaled—possibly 30 years before—and raked out all the old dust to its edges. The next move was to locate the center of the hearth and to throw back enough of the lap-wood to enable him to get down to the surface<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>

The Collier would make a ladder by notching an 8 inch log that was long enough to reach from the ground to the head.<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>
(pg. 16, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)

Another tool used by the Collier was a crude wooden rake, made of six or seven 6-inch teeth placed about 2 inches apart in a small head, which was used to gather up the leaves on the forest floor. • After the leaves were raked, they were collected into the Collier's handmade basket so the could be scattered on the pit. These baskets were made by the Collier during the winter months by weaving together thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. Each one held about 2 1/2 to 3 bushels of charcoal.
(P. 16, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)
A long handled Collier's shovel was used to spread the dust on the pit. With just a small twist of the wrist while using the shovel spread the dust evenly to make sure all parts of the pit were covered.
(pg. 18, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)
Charcoal wagons were used to transport the charcoal. These wagons held between 100 to 300 bushels of coal, and were drawn by 6-mule teams and had high sideboards and a bottom that pulled out.

==Collier Pay==
Colliers were paid for their charring approximately $1.12-$1.25 per one hundred bushels of charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 117</ref>. According to Walker<ref> Walker 1966, 261</ref>, colliers at Hopewell Furnace (Birdsboro, PA) made a monthly pay between $8.62-$20.62 in 1805-1807, $16.00-$23.00 in 1818-1820, $13.50-$18.00 in 1825-1827 and 1835-1837 and $17.50-$24.00 in 1851-1853. In order to better understand how much this is worth, we can convert this to modern amounts using Measuring Worth<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref>. For example, if we just adjust for inflation, $8.62 in 1805 is equivalent to $194.00 today (2019). That is an incomplete picture, however, because it does not take into account economic growth. "Relative labor earnings" is a better measure because it compares the wage to the average wage from the two time periods<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/#measures</ref>. Using this measure,<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref> $8.62 in 1805 would be more like getting paid between $3,110.00 (unskilled labor) to $5,940.00 (skilled labor) today (2019). Similarly, $17.50 in 1835 would have a "relative labor earnings" value of $5,170.00 (unskilled) and $10,500.00 (skilled). This suggests that, relative to today, colliers were relatively well paid. Indeed, at the Dale Furnace in 1799, only the Manager of the Furnace was paid more per month (9 pounds, 7 shillings and 6 pence or approximately $300.00/ year)than the "coaler" or collier (8 pounds). Even the furnace keeper, the individual responsible for the operation of the furnace, earned less than the colliers<ref> Gemmell 1949, 91</ref>. This is not quite as true between 1836-40 at the Hampton Furnace (Hereford Township, PA), when the colliers earned $17.50 compared to $25.00 for the keeper<ref> Gemmell 1949, 95</ref>. Cuts were made from the Colliers pay if the load was to small and/or the sticks weren't thoroughly charred <ref> Walker 1966 </ref>. The collier was a very important person in the iron making process, since he was the one who controlled the quality of the charcoal used for firing the furnace

(pg. 240, Walker, Hopewell Village)

The work was time consuming and required a lot of physical labor, and many of the Collier's originally came looking to make money by finding iron ore to make into iron.

(pg. 2, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)

• During the coaling the pits could not be neglected, so the collier was on constant duty, only eating or sleeping when the work allowed him to.

(pg. 245, Walker, Hopewell)

==Collier Homes and Villages==
When speaking about the Hopewell Village in Pennsylvania the charcoal furnace workers typically lived in special villages that were designed to accommodate both single and married workers and that were located far from surrounding towns, so as to be closer to their work. While these villages provided many workers with the necessary resources to survive, they were too remote for other workers to live in. Some single men rented houses or boarded in mansions in which they hired a woman to take care of them. For example, furnace employees were needed near the furnace while others were needed at the coaling pits that were located far away from the villages: Meaning that instead of living in the villages, many colliers worked closer to their specific area of work. The house nearest the furnace is called for identification purposes by the National Park Service Tenant House Number 1. <ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>Each apartment has a front and a rear door, two rooms on the first floor, two on the second and one on the third. Each side also has its stairway near the center of the house from the cellar to the third floor and a chimney serving a first floor fireplace. It is believed that some of the tenants' houses had yards surrounded by picket fences that served as an area to grow vegetables and keep pigs and cows.

It was recorded that the small stores in the villages only sold melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, much pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage, meaning that the families probably raised the rest of what they ate. Additionally, the rent for houses was between $12 to $25 per year while others were as high as $45 per year. Housing at the Hopewell furnace varied widely from the “luxury of the iron master's mansion” to the “makeshift accommodations of John Roberts in the brick kiln.” All in all there has been no evidence of terribly poor conditions despite the variety. <ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
*''Agriculture and Rural economy – Charcoal → .'' 2010. The Encyclopedia of Diderot & d'Alembert Collaborative Translation Project. Ann Arbor: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library. [http://hdl.handle.net/2027/spo.did2222.0001.346]. Originally published as "Agriculture et économie rustique – Charbon de bois," Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, vol. 1 (plates) (Paris, 1762).

*Gemmell, Alfred. 1949. ''The Charcoal Iron Industry in the Perkiomen Valley.'' Norristown, PA.: Hartenstine Printing House.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*MeasuringWorth Foundation. 2020. ''Measuring Worth- Relative Worth Comparators and Data Sets''. [https://www.measuringworth.com/index.php . Accessed April 24, 2020]

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. [https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1]

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. ''History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.'' Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62.[https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf]

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. ''Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters.'' Advances in Historical Studies: 104-114.[http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2014.32010]

*Svedelius, G., Joseph Leonard W. Nicodemus, and Björn R. Anderson. 1875. ''Hand-book for Charcoal Burners.'' New York: Wiley. [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc2.ark:/13960/t7dr2qz7d&view=1up&seq=166]

*''United States Census, 1860,'' database with images, FamilySearch [https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33S7-9BSD-C5Y?cc=1473181&wc=7QL9-Y6C%3A1589434177%2C1589434982%2C1589435676] : 24 March 2017, Pennsylvania > Carbon > East Penn Township > image 2 of 22; from "1860 U.S. Federal Census - Population," database, Fold3.com (http://www.fold3.com : n.d.); citing NARA microfilm publication M653 (Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.).

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Colliers

2020-09-17T00:10:46Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Collier Pay */

=Collier Life=
Historically, the collier profession was not one for the faint of heart, as great skill was required in order to successfully maintain multiple charcoal hearths at one time for months on end<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. Living alone, or occasionally with a son or apprentice, in a small [[Collier huts| collier hut]], colliers could not afford to lose concentration for even one moment, as the slightest wayward breeze or hole in the charcoal hearth could cause irreparable damage to the charcoal. However there were exceptions to this, and some colliers lived near the furnaces in more permanent housing<ref>Walker 1966,238</ref>, sometimes with the accompaniment of their families <ref>Walker 1966, 109</ref>. The Furnace management had to make certain that living quarters were available to all of their workmen. Some workers lived in homes they owned, others rented houses from the Furnace or local landlords. Rent for Furnace houses was usually from $12 to $25 per year. <ref>Walker 1966, 99</ref>. One such example of this can be identified in the 1860 census where John Bachman, a forty year old collier, was listed as living with his wife and eleven children, ages four months through nineteen years<ref>United States Census, 1860</ref>. More information on John Bachman can be found on the [[Lives of Workers]] page. Another notable collier in the area was [[Joseph Johns (1794-1906)]]. The collier's responsibilities did not begin until the wood had been sledded in from the wood chopper's ranks to the hearth and there set on end until the entire surface was filled.The collier was a very important workman, controlling to some degree the quality and quantity of the furnace product. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>.

The quality of charcoal was important to colliers' livelihood as high quality charcoal, charcoal that was strong, compact and heavy<ref> Walker 1966,240</ref>, fetched higher prices<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>. The collier profession required almost constant twenty-four-hour surveillance of the hearths [https://www.nps.gov/media/video/view.htm?id=FB3FA03A-1DD8-B71C-071149ADB08DBD2E]. A dangerous role a collier may have needed to perform was called "jumping the pit." This crucial job required a collier to climb onto the hearth and place more wood into any "soft spots" in the pile<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. If anything went awry, the collier risked falling into the smoldering charcoal fire<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. While making charcoal, colliers lived in the woods in roughly constructed [[collier huts]]<ref>Walker 1966, 242</ref>. During the winter months, colliers became woodcutters in order to get a full-years wage, as the ideal season for charcoal production was during the warmer months of the year<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. During the winter, the collier would cut billets and lapwood in preparation for the summer. They also used their time in the winter months to create baskets that were woven with thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. These baskets were then used for carrying leaves and anywhere from 2-½ to 3 bushels of charcoal<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Woodcutters were paid by the cord; some would try to deceive the system and loosely pile their billets or stack them over stumps to falsely increase the volume<ref> Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Often, the colliers lived at the site of production for months at a time, from late May to October. During the summer they lived in crude wood huts in areas with many insects. A master collier and one or two helpers "coaled" together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. This is probably why they wore long sleeves and pants, so as to protect them from the already volatile elements. Colliers bought relatively little food from the company store, leading to reason they must have raised much of what they ate. There were records of sales of melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage. Corn meal was a regular item of store purchase before 1808 and seldom appeared after that. Rye and wheat flour were the more common bases for baked items in later years. Sugar, tea, coffee, chocolate, salt, pepper and spices were kept in regular stock at the store. Preserving of meat was a problem for colliers before freezing was available<ref>Walker 1966, 111</ref>. Master Colliers had 1 or 2 helpers that coaled together, working as many as 9 pits at the same time <ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>

He first cleared his hearth of all vegetation which had grown there since the last time the tract had been coaled—possibly 30 years before—and raked out all the old dust to its edges. The next move was to locate the center of the hearth and to throw back enough of the lap-wood to enable him to get down to the surface<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>

The Collier would make a ladder by notching an 8 inch log that was long enough to reach from the ground to the head.
(pg. 16, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)

Another tool used by the Collier was a crude wooden rake, made of six or seven 6-inch teeth placed about 2 inches apart in a small head, which was used to gather up the leaves on the forest floor. • After the leaves were raked, they were collected into the Collier's handmade basket so the could be scattered on the pit. These baskets were made by the Collier during the winter months by weaving together thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. Each one held about 2 1/2 to 3 bushels of charcoal.
(P. 16, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)
A long handled Collier's shovel was used to spread the dust on the pit. With just a small twist of the wrist while using the shovel spread the dust evenly to make sure all parts of the pit were covered.
(pg. 18, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)
Charcoal wagons were used to transport the charcoal. These wagons held between 100 to 300 bushels of coal, and were drawn by 6-mule teams and had high sideboards and a bottom that pulled out.

==Collier Pay==
Colliers were paid for their charring approximately $1.12-$1.25 per one hundred bushels of charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 117</ref>. According to Walker<ref> Walker 1966, 261</ref>, colliers at Hopewell Furnace (Birdsboro, PA) made a monthly pay between $8.62-$20.62 in 1805-1807, $16.00-$23.00 in 1818-1820, $13.50-$18.00 in 1825-1827 and 1835-1837 and $17.50-$24.00 in 1851-1853. In order to better understand how much this is worth, we can convert this to modern amounts using Measuring Worth<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref>. For example, if we just adjust for inflation, $8.62 in 1805 is equivalent to $194.00 today (2019). That is an incomplete picture, however, because it does not take into account economic growth. "Relative labor earnings" is a better measure because it compares the wage to the average wage from the two time periods<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/#measures</ref>. Using this measure,<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref> $8.62 in 1805 would be more like getting paid between $3,110.00 (unskilled labor) to $5,940.00 (skilled labor) today (2019). Similarly, $17.50 in 1835 would have a "relative labor earnings" value of $5,170.00 (unskilled) and $10,500.00 (skilled). This suggests that, relative to today, colliers were relatively well paid. Indeed, at the Dale Furnace in 1799, only the Manager of the Furnace was paid more per month (9 pounds, 7 shillings and 6 pence or approximately $300.00/ year)than the "coaler" or collier (8 pounds). Even the furnace keeper, the individual responsible for the operation of the furnace, earned less than the colliers<ref> Gemmell 1949, 91</ref>. This is not quite as true between 1836-40 at the Hampton Furnace (Hereford Township, PA), when the colliers earned $17.50 compared to $25.00 for the keeper<ref> Gemmell 1949, 95</ref>. Cuts were made from the Colliers pay if the load was to small and/or the sticks weren't thoroughly charred <ref> Walker 1966 </ref>. The collier was a very important person in the iron making process, since he was the one who controlled the quality of the charcoal used for firing the furnace

(pg. 240, Walker, Hopewell Village)

The work was time consuming and required a lot of physical labor, and many of the Collier's originally came looking to make money by finding iron ore to make into iron.

(pg. 2, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)

• During the coaling the pits could not be neglected, so the collier was on constant duty, only eating or sleeping when the work allowed him to.

(pg. 245, Walker, Hopewell)

==Collier Homes and Villages==
When speaking about the Hopewell Village in Pennsylvania the charcoal furnace workers typically lived in special villages that were designed to accommodate both single and married workers and that were located far from surrounding towns, so as to be closer to their work. While these villages provided many workers with the necessary resources to survive, they were too remote for other workers to live in. Some single men rented houses or boarded in mansions in which they hired a woman to take care of them. For example, furnace employees were needed near the furnace while others were needed at the coaling pits that were located far away from the villages: Meaning that instead of living in the villages, many colliers worked closer to their specific area of work. The house nearest the furnace is called for identification purposes by the National Park Service Tenant House Number 1. <ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>Each apartment has a front and a rear door, two rooms on the first floor, two on the second and one on the third. Each side also has its stairway near the center of the house from the cellar to the third floor and a chimney serving a first floor fireplace. It is believed that some of the tenants' houses had yards surrounded by picket fences that served as an area to grow vegetables and keep pigs and cows.

It was recorded that the small stores in the villages only sold melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, much pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage, meaning that the families probably raised the rest of what they ate. Additionally, the rent for houses was between $12 to $25 per year while others were as high as $45 per year. Housing at the Hopewell furnace varied widely from the “luxury of the iron master's mansion” to the “makeshift accommodations of John Roberts in the brick kiln.” All in all there has been no evidence of terribly poor conditions despite the variety. <ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
*''Agriculture and Rural economy – Charcoal → .'' 2010. The Encyclopedia of Diderot & d'Alembert Collaborative Translation Project. Ann Arbor: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library. [http://hdl.handle.net/2027/spo.did2222.0001.346]. Originally published as "Agriculture et économie rustique – Charbon de bois," Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, vol. 1 (plates) (Paris, 1762).

*Gemmell, Alfred. 1949. ''The Charcoal Iron Industry in the Perkiomen Valley.'' Norristown, PA.: Hartenstine Printing House.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*MeasuringWorth Foundation. 2020. ''Measuring Worth- Relative Worth Comparators and Data Sets''. [https://www.measuringworth.com/index.php . Accessed April 24, 2020]

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. [https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1]

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. ''History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.'' Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62.[https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf]

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. ''Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters.'' Advances in Historical Studies: 104-114.[http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2014.32010]

*Svedelius, G., Joseph Leonard W. Nicodemus, and Björn R. Anderson. 1875. ''Hand-book for Charcoal Burners.'' New York: Wiley. [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc2.ark:/13960/t7dr2qz7d&view=1up&seq=166]

*''United States Census, 1860,'' database with images, FamilySearch [https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33S7-9BSD-C5Y?cc=1473181&wc=7QL9-Y6C%3A1589434177%2C1589434982%2C1589435676] : 24 March 2017, Pennsylvania > Carbon > East Penn Township > image 2 of 22; from "1860 U.S. Federal Census - Population," database, Fold3.com (http://www.fold3.com : n.d.); citing NARA microfilm publication M653 (Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.).

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Colliers

2020-09-17T00:10:22Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Collier Pay */

=Collier Life=
Historically, the collier profession was not one for the faint of heart, as great skill was required in order to successfully maintain multiple charcoal hearths at one time for months on end<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. Living alone, or occasionally with a son or apprentice, in a small [[Collier huts| collier hut]], colliers could not afford to lose concentration for even one moment, as the slightest wayward breeze or hole in the charcoal hearth could cause irreparable damage to the charcoal. However there were exceptions to this, and some colliers lived near the furnaces in more permanent housing<ref>Walker 1966,238</ref>, sometimes with the accompaniment of their families <ref>Walker 1966, 109</ref>. The Furnace management had to make certain that living quarters were available to all of their workmen. Some workers lived in homes they owned, others rented houses from the Furnace or local landlords. Rent for Furnace houses was usually from $12 to $25 per year. <ref>Walker 1966, 99</ref>. One such example of this can be identified in the 1860 census where John Bachman, a forty year old collier, was listed as living with his wife and eleven children, ages four months through nineteen years<ref>United States Census, 1860</ref>. More information on John Bachman can be found on the [[Lives of Workers]] page. Another notable collier in the area was [[Joseph Johns (1794-1906)]]. The collier's responsibilities did not begin until the wood had been sledded in from the wood chopper's ranks to the hearth and there set on end until the entire surface was filled.The collier was a very important workman, controlling to some degree the quality and quantity of the furnace product. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>.

The quality of charcoal was important to colliers' livelihood as high quality charcoal, charcoal that was strong, compact and heavy<ref> Walker 1966,240</ref>, fetched higher prices<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>. The collier profession required almost constant twenty-four-hour surveillance of the hearths [https://www.nps.gov/media/video/view.htm?id=FB3FA03A-1DD8-B71C-071149ADB08DBD2E]. A dangerous role a collier may have needed to perform was called "jumping the pit." This crucial job required a collier to climb onto the hearth and place more wood into any "soft spots" in the pile<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. If anything went awry, the collier risked falling into the smoldering charcoal fire<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. While making charcoal, colliers lived in the woods in roughly constructed [[collier huts]]<ref>Walker 1966, 242</ref>. During the winter months, colliers became woodcutters in order to get a full-years wage, as the ideal season for charcoal production was during the warmer months of the year<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. During the winter, the collier would cut billets and lapwood in preparation for the summer. They also used their time in the winter months to create baskets that were woven with thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. These baskets were then used for carrying leaves and anywhere from 2-½ to 3 bushels of charcoal<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Woodcutters were paid by the cord; some would try to deceive the system and loosely pile their billets or stack them over stumps to falsely increase the volume<ref> Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Often, the colliers lived at the site of production for months at a time, from late May to October. During the summer they lived in crude wood huts in areas with many insects. A master collier and one or two helpers "coaled" together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. This is probably why they wore long sleeves and pants, so as to protect them from the already volatile elements. Colliers bought relatively little food from the company store, leading to reason they must have raised much of what they ate. There were records of sales of melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage. Corn meal was a regular item of store purchase before 1808 and seldom appeared after that. Rye and wheat flour were the more common bases for baked items in later years. Sugar, tea, coffee, chocolate, salt, pepper and spices were kept in regular stock at the store. Preserving of meat was a problem for colliers before freezing was available<ref>Walker 1966, 111</ref>. Master Colliers had 1 or 2 helpers that coaled together, working as many as 9 pits at the same time <ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>

He first cleared his hearth of all vegetation which had grown there since the last time the tract had been coaled—possibly 30 years before—and raked out all the old dust to its edges. The next move was to locate the center of the hearth and to throw back enough of the lap-wood to enable him to get down to the surface<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>

The Collier would make a ladder by notching an 8 inch log that was long enough to reach from the ground to the head.
(pg. 16, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)

Another tool used by the Collier was a crude wooden rake, made of six or seven 6-inch teeth placed about 2 inches apart in a small head, which was used to gather up the leaves on the forest floor. • After the leaves were raked, they were collected into the Collier's handmade basket so the could be scattered on the pit. These baskets were made by the Collier during the winter months by weaving together thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. Each one held about 2 1/2 to 3 bushels of charcoal.
(P. 16, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)
A long handled Collier's shovel was used to spread the dust on the pit. With just a small twist of the wrist while using the shovel spread the dust evenly to make sure all parts of the pit were covered.
(pg. 18, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)
Charcoal wagons were used to transport the charcoal. These wagons held between 100 to 300 bushels of coal, and were drawn by 6-mule teams and had high sideboards and a bottom that pulled out.

==Collier Pay==
Colliers were paid for their charring approximately $1.12-$1.25 per one hundred bushels of charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 117</ref>. According to Walker<ref> Walker 1966, 261</ref>, colliers at Hopewell Furnace (Birdsboro, PA) made a monthly pay between $8.62-$20.62 in 1805-1807, $16.00-$23.00 in 1818-1820, $13.50-$18.00 in 1825-1827 and 1835-1837 and $17.50-$24.00 in 1851-1853. In order to better understand how much this is worth, we can convert this to modern amounts using Measuring Worth<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref>. For example, if we just adjust for inflation, $8.62 in 1805 is equivalent to $194.00 today (2019). That is an incomplete picture, however, because it does not take into account economic growth. "Relative labor earnings" is a better measure because it compares the wage to the average wage from the two time periods<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/#measures</ref>. Using this measure,<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref> $8.62 in 1805 would be more like getting paid between $3,110.00 (unskilled labor) to $5,940.00 (skilled labor) today (2019). Similarly, $17.50 in 1835 would have a "relative labor earnings" value of $5,170.00 (unskilled) and $10,500.00 (skilled). This suggests that, relative to today, colliers were relatively well paid. Indeed, at the Dale Furnace in 1799, only the Manager of the Furnace was paid more per month (9 pounds, 7 shillings and 6 pence or approximately $300.00/ year)than the "coaler" or collier (8 pounds). Even the furnace keeper, the individual responsible for the operation of the furnace, earned less than the colliers<ref> Gemmell 1949, 91</ref>. This is not quite as true between 1836-40 at the Hampton Furnace (Hereford Township, PA), when the colliers earned $17.50 compared to $25.00 for the keeper<ref> Gemmell 1949, 95</ref>. Cuts were made from the Colliers pay if the load was to small and/or the sticks weren't thoroughly charred <ref> Walker 1966 </ref>. The collier was a very important person in the iron making process, since he was the one who controlled the quality of the charcoal used for firing the furnace
(pg. 240, Walker, Hopewell Village)
The work was time consuming and required a lot of physical labor, and many of the Collier's originally came looking to make money by finding iron ore to make into iron.
(pg. 2, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)
• During the coaling the pits could not be neglected, so the collier was on constant duty, only eating or sleeping when the work allowed him to.
(pg. 245, Walker, Hopewell)

==Collier Homes and Villages==
When speaking about the Hopewell Village in Pennsylvania the charcoal furnace workers typically lived in special villages that were designed to accommodate both single and married workers and that were located far from surrounding towns, so as to be closer to their work. While these villages provided many workers with the necessary resources to survive, they were too remote for other workers to live in. Some single men rented houses or boarded in mansions in which they hired a woman to take care of them. For example, furnace employees were needed near the furnace while others were needed at the coaling pits that were located far away from the villages: Meaning that instead of living in the villages, many colliers worked closer to their specific area of work. The house nearest the furnace is called for identification purposes by the National Park Service Tenant House Number 1. <ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>Each apartment has a front and a rear door, two rooms on the first floor, two on the second and one on the third. Each side also has its stairway near the center of the house from the cellar to the third floor and a chimney serving a first floor fireplace. It is believed that some of the tenants' houses had yards surrounded by picket fences that served as an area to grow vegetables and keep pigs and cows.

It was recorded that the small stores in the villages only sold melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, much pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage, meaning that the families probably raised the rest of what they ate. Additionally, the rent for houses was between $12 to $25 per year while others were as high as $45 per year. Housing at the Hopewell furnace varied widely from the “luxury of the iron master's mansion” to the “makeshift accommodations of John Roberts in the brick kiln.” All in all there has been no evidence of terribly poor conditions despite the variety. <ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
*''Agriculture and Rural economy – Charcoal → .'' 2010. The Encyclopedia of Diderot & d'Alembert Collaborative Translation Project. Ann Arbor: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library. [http://hdl.handle.net/2027/spo.did2222.0001.346]. Originally published as "Agriculture et économie rustique – Charbon de bois," Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, vol. 1 (plates) (Paris, 1762).

*Gemmell, Alfred. 1949. ''The Charcoal Iron Industry in the Perkiomen Valley.'' Norristown, PA.: Hartenstine Printing House.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*MeasuringWorth Foundation. 2020. ''Measuring Worth- Relative Worth Comparators and Data Sets''. [https://www.measuringworth.com/index.php . Accessed April 24, 2020]

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. [https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1]

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. ''History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.'' Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62.[https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf]

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. ''Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters.'' Advances in Historical Studies: 104-114.[http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2014.32010]

*Svedelius, G., Joseph Leonard W. Nicodemus, and Björn R. Anderson. 1875. ''Hand-book for Charcoal Burners.'' New York: Wiley. [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc2.ark:/13960/t7dr2qz7d&view=1up&seq=166]

*''United States Census, 1860,'' database with images, FamilySearch [https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33S7-9BSD-C5Y?cc=1473181&wc=7QL9-Y6C%3A1589434177%2C1589434982%2C1589435676] : 24 March 2017, Pennsylvania > Carbon > East Penn Township > image 2 of 22; from "1860 U.S. Federal Census - Population," database, Fold3.com (http://www.fold3.com : n.d.); citing NARA microfilm publication M653 (Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.).

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Colliers

2020-09-17T00:09:37Z

Ajroberts2021:

=Collier Life=
Historically, the collier profession was not one for the faint of heart, as great skill was required in order to successfully maintain multiple charcoal hearths at one time for months on end<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. Living alone, or occasionally with a son or apprentice, in a small [[Collier huts| collier hut]], colliers could not afford to lose concentration for even one moment, as the slightest wayward breeze or hole in the charcoal hearth could cause irreparable damage to the charcoal. However there were exceptions to this, and some colliers lived near the furnaces in more permanent housing<ref>Walker 1966,238</ref>, sometimes with the accompaniment of their families <ref>Walker 1966, 109</ref>. The Furnace management had to make certain that living quarters were available to all of their workmen. Some workers lived in homes they owned, others rented houses from the Furnace or local landlords. Rent for Furnace houses was usually from $12 to $25 per year. <ref>Walker 1966, 99</ref>. One such example of this can be identified in the 1860 census where John Bachman, a forty year old collier, was listed as living with his wife and eleven children, ages four months through nineteen years<ref>United States Census, 1860</ref>. More information on John Bachman can be found on the [[Lives of Workers]] page. Another notable collier in the area was [[Joseph Johns (1794-1906)]]. The collier's responsibilities did not begin until the wood had been sledded in from the wood chopper's ranks to the hearth and there set on end until the entire surface was filled.The collier was a very important workman, controlling to some degree the quality and quantity of the furnace product. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>.

The quality of charcoal was important to colliers' livelihood as high quality charcoal, charcoal that was strong, compact and heavy<ref> Walker 1966,240</ref>, fetched higher prices<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>. The collier profession required almost constant twenty-four-hour surveillance of the hearths [https://www.nps.gov/media/video/view.htm?id=FB3FA03A-1DD8-B71C-071149ADB08DBD2E]. A dangerous role a collier may have needed to perform was called "jumping the pit." This crucial job required a collier to climb onto the hearth and place more wood into any "soft spots" in the pile<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. If anything went awry, the collier risked falling into the smoldering charcoal fire<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. While making charcoal, colliers lived in the woods in roughly constructed [[collier huts]]<ref>Walker 1966, 242</ref>. During the winter months, colliers became woodcutters in order to get a full-years wage, as the ideal season for charcoal production was during the warmer months of the year<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. During the winter, the collier would cut billets and lapwood in preparation for the summer. They also used their time in the winter months to create baskets that were woven with thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. These baskets were then used for carrying leaves and anywhere from 2-½ to 3 bushels of charcoal<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Woodcutters were paid by the cord; some would try to deceive the system and loosely pile their billets or stack them over stumps to falsely increase the volume<ref> Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Often, the colliers lived at the site of production for months at a time, from late May to October. During the summer they lived in crude wood huts in areas with many insects. A master collier and one or two helpers "coaled" together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. This is probably why they wore long sleeves and pants, so as to protect them from the already volatile elements. Colliers bought relatively little food from the company store, leading to reason they must have raised much of what they ate. There were records of sales of melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage. Corn meal was a regular item of store purchase before 1808 and seldom appeared after that. Rye and wheat flour were the more common bases for baked items in later years. Sugar, tea, coffee, chocolate, salt, pepper and spices were kept in regular stock at the store. Preserving of meat was a problem for colliers before freezing was available<ref>Walker 1966, 111</ref>. Master Colliers had 1 or 2 helpers that coaled together, working as many as 9 pits at the same time <ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>

He first cleared his hearth of all vegetation which had grown there since the last time the tract had been coaled—possibly 30 years before—and raked out all the old dust to its edges. The next move was to locate the center of the hearth and to throw back enough of the lap-wood to enable him to get down to the surface<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>

The Collier would make a ladder by notching an 8 inch log that was long enough to reach from the ground to the head.
(pg. 16, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)

Another tool used by the Collier was a crude wooden rake, made of six or seven 6-inch teeth placed about 2 inches apart in a small head, which was used to gather up the leaves on the forest floor. • After the leaves were raked, they were collected into the Collier's handmade basket so the could be scattered on the pit. These baskets were made by the Collier during the winter months by weaving together thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. Each one held about 2 1/2 to 3 bushels of charcoal.
(P. 16, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)
A long handled Collier's shovel was used to spread the dust on the pit. With just a small twist of the wrist while using the shovel spread the dust evenly to make sure all parts of the pit were covered.
(pg. 18, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)
Charcoal wagons were used to transport the charcoal. These wagons held between 100 to 300 bushels of coal, and were drawn by 6-mule teams and had high sideboards and a bottom that pulled out.

==Collier Pay==
Colliers were paid for their charring approximately $1.12-$1.25 per one hundred bushels of charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 117</ref>. According to Walker<ref> Walker 1966, 261</ref>, colliers at Hopewell Furnace (Birdsboro, PA) made a monthly pay between $8.62-$20.62 in 1805-1807, $16.00-$23.00 in 1818-1820, $13.50-$18.00 in 1825-1827 and 1835-1837 and $17.50-$24.00 in 1851-1853. In order to better understand how much this is worth, we can convert this to modern amounts using Measuring Worth<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref>. For example, if we just adjust for inflation, $8.62 in 1805 is equivalent to $194.00 today (2019). That is an incomplete picture, however, because it does not take into account economic growth. "Relative labor earnings" is a better measure because it compares the wage to the average wage from the two time periods<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/#measures</ref>. Using this measure,<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref> $8.62 in 1805 would be more like getting paid between $3,110.00 (unskilled labor) to $5,940.00 (skilled labor) today (2019). Similarly, $17.50 in 1835 would have a "relative labor earnings" value of $5,170.00 (unskilled) and $10,500.00 (skilled). This suggests that, relative to today, colliers were relatively well paid. Indeed, at the Dale Furnace in 1799, only the Manager of the Furnace was paid more per month (9 pounds, 7 shillings and 6 pence or approximately $300.00/ year)than the "coaler" or collier (8 pounds). Even the furnace keeper, the individual responsible for the operation of the furnace, earned less than the colliers<ref> Gemmell 1949, 91</ref>. This is not quite as true between 1836-40 at the Hampton Furnace (Hereford Township, PA), when the colliers earned $17.50 compared to $25.00 for the keeper<ref> Gemmell 1949, 95</ref>. Cuts were made from the Colliers pay if the load was to small and/or the sticks weren't thoroughly charred <ref> Walker 1966 </ref>. The collier was a very important person in the iron making process, since he was the one who controlled the quality of the charcoal used for firing the furnace (pg. 240, Walker, Hopewell Village) The work was time consuming and required a lot of physical labor, and many of the Collier's originally came looking to make money by finding iron ore to make into iron. (pg. 2, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace) • During the coaling the pits could not be neglected, so the collier was on constant duty, only eating or sleeping when the work allowed him to. (pg. 245, Walker, Hopewell)

==Collier Homes and Villages==
When speaking about the Hopewell Village in Pennsylvania the charcoal furnace workers typically lived in special villages that were designed to accommodate both single and married workers and that were located far from surrounding towns, so as to be closer to their work. While these villages provided many workers with the necessary resources to survive, they were too remote for other workers to live in. Some single men rented houses or boarded in mansions in which they hired a woman to take care of them. For example, furnace employees were needed near the furnace while others were needed at the coaling pits that were located far away from the villages: Meaning that instead of living in the villages, many colliers worked closer to their specific area of work. The house nearest the furnace is called for identification purposes by the National Park Service Tenant House Number 1. <ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>Each apartment has a front and a rear door, two rooms on the first floor, two on the second and one on the third. Each side also has its stairway near the center of the house from the cellar to the third floor and a chimney serving a first floor fireplace. It is believed that some of the tenants' houses had yards surrounded by picket fences that served as an area to grow vegetables and keep pigs and cows.

It was recorded that the small stores in the villages only sold melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, much pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage, meaning that the families probably raised the rest of what they ate. Additionally, the rent for houses was between $12 to $25 per year while others were as high as $45 per year. Housing at the Hopewell furnace varied widely from the “luxury of the iron master's mansion” to the “makeshift accommodations of John Roberts in the brick kiln.” All in all there has been no evidence of terribly poor conditions despite the variety. <ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
*''Agriculture and Rural economy – Charcoal → .'' 2010. The Encyclopedia of Diderot & d'Alembert Collaborative Translation Project. Ann Arbor: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library. [http://hdl.handle.net/2027/spo.did2222.0001.346]. Originally published as "Agriculture et économie rustique – Charbon de bois," Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, vol. 1 (plates) (Paris, 1762).

*Gemmell, Alfred. 1949. ''The Charcoal Iron Industry in the Perkiomen Valley.'' Norristown, PA.: Hartenstine Printing House.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*MeasuringWorth Foundation. 2020. ''Measuring Worth- Relative Worth Comparators and Data Sets''. [https://www.measuringworth.com/index.php . Accessed April 24, 2020]

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. [https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1]

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. ''History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.'' Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62.[https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf]

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. ''Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters.'' Advances in Historical Studies: 104-114.[http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2014.32010]

*Svedelius, G., Joseph Leonard W. Nicodemus, and Björn R. Anderson. 1875. ''Hand-book for Charcoal Burners.'' New York: Wiley. [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc2.ark:/13960/t7dr2qz7d&view=1up&seq=166]

*''United States Census, 1860,'' database with images, FamilySearch [https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33S7-9BSD-C5Y?cc=1473181&wc=7QL9-Y6C%3A1589434177%2C1589434982%2C1589435676] : 24 March 2017, Pennsylvania > Carbon > East Penn Township > image 2 of 22; from "1860 U.S. Federal Census - Population," database, Fold3.com (http://www.fold3.com : n.d.); citing NARA microfilm publication M653 (Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.).

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Colliers

2020-09-17T00:06:33Z

Ajroberts2021: /* Collier Homes and Villages */

=Collier Life=
Historically, the collier profession was not one for the faint of heart, as great skill was required in order to successfully maintain multiple charcoal hearths at one time for months on end<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. Living alone, or occasionally with a son or apprentice, in a small [[Collier huts| collier hut]], colliers could not afford to lose concentration for even one moment, as the slightest wayward breeze or hole in the charcoal hearth could cause irreparable damage to the charcoal. However there were exceptions to this, and some colliers lived near the furnaces in more permanent housing<ref>Walker 1966,238</ref>, sometimes with the accompaniment of their families <ref>Walker 1966, 109</ref>. The Furnace management had to make certain that living quarters were available to all of their workmen. Some workers lived in homes they owned, others rented houses from the Furnace or local landlords. Rent for Furnace houses was usually from $12 to $25 per year. <ref>Walker 1966, 99</ref>. One such example of this can be identified in the 1860 census where John Bachman, a forty year old collier, was listed as living with his wife and eleven children, ages four months through nineteen years<ref>United States Census, 1860</ref>. More information on John Bachman can be found on the [[Lives of Workers]] page. Another notable collier in the area was [[Joseph Johns (1794-1906)]]. The collier's responsibilities did not begin until the wood had been sledded in from the wood chopper's ranks to the hearth and there set on end until the entire surface was filled.The collier was a very important workman, controlling to some degree the quality and quantity of the furnace product. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>.

The quality of charcoal was important to colliers' livelihood as high quality charcoal, charcoal that was strong, compact and heavy<ref> Walker 1966,240</ref>, fetched higher prices<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>. The collier profession required almost constant twenty-four-hour surveillance of the hearths [https://www.nps.gov/media/video/view.htm?id=FB3FA03A-1DD8-B71C-071149ADB08DBD2E]. A dangerous role a collier may have needed to perform was called "jumping the pit." This crucial job required a collier to climb onto the hearth and place more wood into any "soft spots" in the pile<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. If anything went awry, the collier risked falling into the smoldering charcoal fire<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. While making charcoal, colliers lived in the woods in roughly constructed [[collier huts]]<ref>Walker 1966, 242</ref>. During the winter months, colliers became woodcutters in order to get a full-years wage, as the ideal season for charcoal production was during the warmer months of the year<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. During the winter, the collier would cut billets and lapwood in preparation for the summer. They also used their time in the winter months to create baskets that were woven with thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. These baskets were then used for carrying leaves and anywhere from 2-½ to 3 bushels of charcoal<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Woodcutters were paid by the cord; some would try to deceive the system and loosely pile their billets or stack them over stumps to falsely increase the volume<ref> Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Often, the colliers lived at the site of production for months at a time, from late May to October. During the summer they lived in crude wood huts in areas with many insects. A master collier and one or two helpers "coaled" together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. This is probably why they wore long sleeves and pants, so as to protect them from the already volatile elements. Colliers bought relatively little food from the company store, leading to reason they must have raised much of what they ate. There were records of sales of melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage. Corn meal was a regular item of store purchase before 1808 and seldom appeared after that. Rye and wheat flour were the more common bases for baked items in later years. Sugar, tea, coffee, chocolate, salt, pepper and spices were kept in regular stock at the store. Preserving of meat was a problem for colliers before freezing was available<ref>Walker 1966, 111</ref>. Master Colliers had 1 or 2 helpers that coaled together, working as many as 9 pits at the same time <ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>

He first cleared his hearth of all vegetation which had grown there since the last time the tract had been coaled—possibly 30 years before—and raked out all the old dust to its edges. The next move was to locate the center of the hearth and to throw back enough of the lap-wood to enable him to get down to the surface<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>

The Collier would make a ladder by notching an 8 inch log that was long enough to reach from the ground to the head. (pg. 16, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)Another tool used by the Collier was a crude wooden rake, made of six or seven 6-inch teeth placed about 2 inches apart in a small head, which was used to gather up the leaves on the forest floor. • After the leaves were raked, they were collected into the Collier's handmade basket so the could be scattered on the pit. These baskets were made by the Collier during the winter months by weaving together thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. Each one held about 2 1/2 to 3 bushels of charcoal. (P. 16, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace) A long handled Collier's shovel was used to spread the dust on the pit. With just a small twist of the wrist while using the shovel spread the dust evenly to make sure all parts of the pit were covered. (pg. 18, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace) Charcoal wagons were used to transport the charcoal. These wagons held between 100 to 300 bushels of coal, and were drawn by 6-mule teams and had high sideboards and a bottom that pulled out.

==Collier Pay==
Colliers were paid for their charring approximately $1.12-$1.25 per one hundred bushels of charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 117</ref>. According to Walker<ref> Walker 1966, 261</ref>, colliers at Hopewell Furnace (Birdsboro, PA) made a monthly pay between $8.62-$20.62 in 1805-1807, $16.00-$23.00 in 1818-1820, $13.50-$18.00 in 1825-1827 and 1835-1837 and $17.50-$24.00 in 1851-1853. In order to better understand how much this is worth, we can convert this to modern amounts using Measuring Worth<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref>. For example, if we just adjust for inflation, $8.62 in 1805 is equivalent to $194.00 today (2019). That is an incomplete picture, however, because it does not take into account economic growth. "Relative labor earnings" is a better measure because it compares the wage to the average wage from the two time periods<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/#measures</ref>. Using this measure,<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref> $8.62 in 1805 would be more like getting paid between $3,110.00 (unskilled labor) to $5,940.00 (skilled labor) today (2019). Similarly, $17.50 in 1835 would have a "relative labor earnings" value of $5,170.00 (unskilled) and $10,500.00 (skilled). This suggests that, relative to today, colliers were relatively well paid. Indeed, at the Dale Furnace in 1799, only the Manager of the Furnace was paid more per month (9 pounds, 7 shillings and 6 pence or approximately $300.00/ year)than the "coaler" or collier (8 pounds). Even the furnace keeper, the individual responsible for the operation of the furnace, earned less than the colliers<ref> Gemmell 1949, 91</ref>. This is not quite as true between 1836-40 at the Hampton Furnace (Hereford Township, PA), when the colliers earned $17.50 compared to $25.00 for the keeper<ref> Gemmell 1949, 95</ref>. Cuts were made from the Colliers pay if the load was to small and/or the sticks weren't thoroughly charred <ref> Walker 1966 </ref>. The collier was a very important person in the iron making process, since he was the one who controlled the quality of the charcoal used for firing the furnace (pg. 240, Walker, Hopewell Village) The work was time consuming and required a lot of physical labor, and many of the Collier's originally came looking to make money by finding iron ore to make into iron. (pg. 2, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace) • During the coaling the pits could not be neglected, so the collier was on constant duty, only eating or sleeping when the work allowed him to. (pg. 245, Walker, Hopewell)

==Collier Homes and Villages==
When speaking about the Hopewell Village in Pennsylvania the charcoal furnace workers typically lived in special villages that were designed to accommodate both single and married workers and that were located far from surrounding towns, so as to be closer to their work. While these villages provided many workers with the necessary resources to survive, they were too remote for other workers to live in. Some single men rented houses or boarded in mansions in which they hired a woman to take care of them. For example, furnace employees were needed near the furnace while others were needed at the coaling pits that were located far away from the villages: Meaning that instead of living in the villages, many colliers worked closer to their specific area of work. The house nearest the furnace is called for identification purposes by the National Park Service Tenant House Number 1. <ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>Each apartment has a front and a rear door, two rooms on the first floor, two on the second and one on the third. Each side also has its stairway near the center of the house from the cellar to the third floor and a chimney serving a first floor fireplace. It is believed that some of the tenants' houses had yards surrounded by picket fences that served as an area to grow vegetables and keep pigs and cows.

It was recorded that the small stores in the villages only sold melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, much pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage, meaning that the families probably raised the rest of what they ate. Additionally, the rent for houses was between $12 to $25 per year while others were as high as $45 per year. Housing at the Hopewell furnace varied widely from the “luxury of the iron master's mansion” to the “makeshift accommodations of John Roberts in the brick kiln.” All in all there has been no evidence of terribly poor conditions despite the variety. <ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
*''Agriculture and Rural economy – Charcoal → .'' 2010. The Encyclopedia of Diderot & d'Alembert Collaborative Translation Project. Ann Arbor: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library. [http://hdl.handle.net/2027/spo.did2222.0001.346]. Originally published as "Agriculture et économie rustique – Charbon de bois," Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, vol. 1 (plates) (Paris, 1762).

*Gemmell, Alfred. 1949. ''The Charcoal Iron Industry in the Perkiomen Valley.'' Norristown, PA.: Hartenstine Printing House.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*MeasuringWorth Foundation. 2020. ''Measuring Worth- Relative Worth Comparators and Data Sets''. [https://www.measuringworth.com/index.php . Accessed April 24, 2020]

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. [https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1]

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. ''History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.'' Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62.[https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf]

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. ''Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters.'' Advances in Historical Studies: 104-114.[http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2014.32010]

*Svedelius, G., Joseph Leonard W. Nicodemus, and Björn R. Anderson. 1875. ''Hand-book for Charcoal Burners.'' New York: Wiley. [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc2.ark:/13960/t7dr2qz7d&view=1up&seq=166]

*''United States Census, 1860,'' database with images, FamilySearch [https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33S7-9BSD-C5Y?cc=1473181&wc=7QL9-Y6C%3A1589434177%2C1589434982%2C1589435676] : 24 March 2017, Pennsylvania > Carbon > East Penn Township > image 2 of 22; from "1860 U.S. Federal Census - Population," database, Fold3.com (http://www.fold3.com : n.d.); citing NARA microfilm publication M653 (Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.).

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.