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The Balliet Family

2020-10-16T19:19:45Z

DanaGraham: /* Founded Establishments */

This page gives context to the activities of the Balliet family's iron-producing activities in the mid 1800s. More information on these individuals can be found on their respective pages.

==Founded Establishments==

The origins of the Balliet family can be traced back to Tancred le Balyard: a commander-in-chief of the army of Chlodwig, King of France, around the year 500. The family’s lineage extends everywhere from France to England, Jerusalem to Germany, and finally the United States. According to early records in the United States, the first Balliet to immigrate to America was Paul Balliet, who arrived in Pennsylvania on February 2nd in 1738. Not long after, Joseph Balliet arrived in 1749. Paul settled in Whitehall township where he secured 97 acres by warrant that became 713 acres by 1774. <ref>Filby and William 1985 </ref> On June twenty second of 1756, Paul inherited the Whitehall log hotel whose notable symbol, the flowing bowl, served as inspiration for his nickname “Bowl Balliet:" A nickname given to him by local Native Americans. For many years, the hotel served as a post station where the daily stagecoaches changed horses on their way north and returning. As other families settled there and the community grew, the area became known as Ballietsville.

Paul Balliet and his wife Maria Magdalena had nine children: Maria Catharina, John Jacob, Stephen, Susanna, Nicholas, Eva Magdalena Magdalena, and Paul Balliet. When Paul passed away on March nineteenth of 1777, he left a will behind that stated that his son Stephen

''shall have the plantation in Towamensing township on the Blue mountains, where Samuel Somery lives, and if Stephen wants the old plantation, he shall have it, and son John have the tract of land bought by Samuel Morris.
'' <ref> Filby and William 1985 </ref>

Not soon after his father's death and the inheritance of the plantation, in 1826 Stephen became a prominent ironmaster with Samuel Helffrich. In 1828 they erected a forge in East penn township, Carbon county. After Helffrich died, Stephen purchased about 3,000 acres of land, on which he erected a furnace and four houses. Later, Stephen Balliet’s grandson, Paul (son of Stephen Balliet Jr.) built and operated the Coplay iron furnaces. John Balliet, son of Stephen, was born November thirteenth of 1819. He was the first to seriously embarked in business in the charcoal furnaces with his brothers Aaron and Paul.

The Balliet iron plantations, much like any other plantation, was self-sufficient. This meant that there were jobs for everyone including the families living on the grounds. Jobs ranged from ironmaster to shopkeepers, blacksmiths, agricultural workers, and of course colliers. These plantations were commonly made up of thousands of acres and therefore required a large community of skilled workers to sustain themselves and their families. Work forces on the iron plantations consisted of indentured servants, slaves, and free laborers as well as regular workers and ironmasters <ref>Steffen 87</ref>. Indentured servants were large in numbers and along with slaves, performed the least skilled tasks on plantations: serving as woodcutters to supply the charcoal furnaces or as miners to dig iron ore. It was uncommon for laborers to move upward in ranks on plantations. The original Balliet's Furnace was in operation in 1832 and was already being referred to as the "old Balliet furnace". It later became known as "old Lehigh Furnace."

In 1816, the Ballietsville English school was established. <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 73 </ref> Another English school was established in 1833. "In the beginning of the first decade of the present century, educational matters/importance began to grow." <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 74 </ref> The earliest schools were connected to the Lutheran and German reformed churches and the pastor almost always the teacher (secular).<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 72 </ref> Under the firm name Pretz, Balliet, Gausler & Co. they had established a planing-mill for about three years. <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 86 </ref>

==Aaron Balliet==
In 1837 [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]] erected a charcoal furnace in Carbon County and operated it for twenty years before relocating to Ballietsville<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 505</ref>. Aaron Balliet, his brother [[Stephen Balliet (1809-1860)]], his brother-in-law [[Benjamin Levan (1806-1886)]], and his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] became incorporated to form Stephen Balliet & Co., with the purpose of building iron furnaces<ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 1:633</ref>. In 1854 his father died and the company admitted new partners and became the [[Lehigh Valley Iron Company]] <ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 1:633</ref>. In 1879, after various financial hardships, the company reincorporated as the Coplay Iron Company, with Aaron Balliet serving as a director of the company<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504 </ref>. Aaron Balliet also managed mines with his brothers [[Paul Balliet (1811-1886)]] and [[John Balliet (1819-1886)]].

==Benjamin Levan==
[[Benjamin Levan (1806-1886)]] was married to Maria Balliet, daughter of [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]]<ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 2:51-54</ref>. Levan became the superintendent of the [[Lehigh Furnace]] in Washington Township, PA, a position that he held for twenty-eight years<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504 </ref>. Benjamin Levan later moved to Whitehall Township, where he was integral in establishing the furnace at the [[Lehigh Valley Iron Company]]. He remained with the company for thirty years serving as secretary, treasurer, superintendent, and general manager<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504 </ref>.

==John Balliet==
[[John Balliet (1819-1886)]] worked at the [[Lehigh Furnace]], which was owned by his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]]<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 555</ref>. He later became the co-owner, alongside his brothers [[Paul Balliet (1811-1886)]] and [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]], and superintendent of said property<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 555</ref>. John Balliet moved to East Penn Township and became the superintendent of the [[East Penn Furnace]], which was later partially destroyed by floods<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 556</ref>. John Balliet rebuilt, leased, and successfully ran the furnace for many years. John Balliet also worked outside of the furnace industry; he was the director of the National Bank of Slatington, which was organized in 1875 <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 564</ref>. Mr. Balliet was also a shareholder of the Lehigh furnace in Allentown and the Coplay Iron Company <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 556</ref>. John Balliet was also a member of the city council for several years <ref>Portrait and Biographical Record 1894, 268</ref>. John Balliet’s impressive life continued with him owning extensive real estate properties including a planing mill, a lumberyard, several farms and various buildings <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 556</ref>. In addition to his properties, he owned a store in Bowmanstown and owned the Bowmanstown Hotel <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 767</ref><ref>Brenckman 1913, 370</ref>. John Balliet's lands totaled more than eight hundred acres <ref>TheCarbon Advocate December 13, 1890</ref>.

==Paul Balliet==
[[Paul Balliet (1811-1886)]] managed a furnace that his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] owned. Along with his brothers [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]] and [[John Balliet (1819-1886)]], Paul Balliet became involved in a mining enterprise in North Whitehall. By the early 1800s the Balliet's were entering local politics. This was evident in Paul's role as elected commissioner in 1839 and Hiram Balliet's role as elected commissioner in 1871.

==Stephen Balliet==
In 1826 [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] and Samuel Helffrich bought the land upon which the [[Lehigh Furnace]] would be built, purchasing twenty-five acres at the southern foot of the Blue Mountain from Christian Snyder and Christian Bloss<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 553 </ref>. Stephen Balliet and Helffrich erected the [[East Penn Forge]] on the north side of the Blue Mountain in East Penn Township, Carbon County in 1828<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 722 </ref>. In 1830 Helffrich died<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 553</ref>, and his shares in the iron business were bought by Stephen Balliet two years later<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 722 </ref>. In 1837 Stephen Balliet purchased three thousand acres of land near the forge, built another furnace, and constructed additional housing for workers, bringing the total to eleven<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 722 </ref>. Stephen Balliet continued to operate the furnace until his death in 1854<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 553</ref>.

==Stephen Balliet==
In 1853 [[Stephen Balliet (1809-1860)]], his brother [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]], his brother-in-law [[Benjamin Levan (1806-1886)]], and his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] became incorporated to form Stephen Balliet & Co., beginning the Coplay Ironworks<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504</ref>.

Stephen Balliet married Maria Anna Bieber (1811-1832) in 1831<ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 2:49</ref>. They had a son together, Lewis Bieber Balliet (1832-1913). Stephen Balliet's wife died in April of 1832. Following her death, he married Elizabeth Huntzinger and together they had eleven children, five of whom survived into adulthood: Sarah, Emma, Fannie, Margaret, and Arabella<ref> Roberts et al. 1914, 2:49</ref>.

The Northampton Bank in Allentown, PA, chartered in 1814, began to fail in 1842 and shut its doors. The bank reopened in 1843<ref>Mathews and Hungerford, 145</ref>, and Stephen Balliet was elected as the president of the bank on June 5 of that year<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 146</ref>.

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
*Brenckman, Frederick Charles. 1913. ''History of Carbon County, Pennsylvania: Also Containing a Separate Account of the Several Boroughs and Townships in the County, with Biographical Sketches.'' Harrisburg, Pa: J. J. Nungesser.

*Filby, P. William, Meyer, Mary K., Passenger and immigration lists index : a guide to published arrival records of about 500,000 passengers who came to the United States and Canada in the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries. 1982-1985 Cumulated Supplements in Four Volumes Detroit, Mich. : Gale Research Co., 1985, Print (ISBN 0-8103-1795-8)

*The Carbon Advocate. 1890. ''Orphans’ Court Sale of Very Valuable Real Estate!- John Balliet,'' December 13, 1890.

* Hellerich, Mahlon Howard. 1987. ''A History of Allentown: 1861-1865.'' In Allentown 1762-1987: A 225-Year History, edited by Mahlon Howard Hellerich, 91–180. Allentown, PA: Lehigh County Historical Society.

* Mathews, Alfred, and Austin N. Hungerford. 1884. ''History of the Counties of Lehigh and Carbon, in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.'' Philadelphia: Everts & Richards.

*''Portrait and Biographical Record of Lehigh, Northampton, and Carbon Counties, Pennsylvania: Containing Biographical Sketches of Prominent and Representative Citizens of the Counties, Together with Biographies and Portraits of the Presidents of the United States.'' 1894. Chicago: Chapman Publishing Co.

*Roberts, Charles Rhoads, John Baer Stoudt, Thomas H. Krick, and William J. Dietrich. 1914. ''History of Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, and a Genealogical and Biographical Record of Its Families.'' Vol. I, Allentown, PA: Lehigh Valley Publishing Company, Limited.

*Roberts, Charles Rhoads, John Baer Stoudt, Thomas H. Krick, and William J. Dietrich. 1914. ''History of Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, and a Genealogical and Biographical Record of Its Families.'' Vol. II, Allentown, PA: Lehigh Valley Publishing Company, Limited.

*Steffen, Charles (1979). "The Pre-Industrial Iron worker: Northampton Iron Works, 1780-1820". Labor History. 20 (1): 89–110.

The Balliet Family

2020-10-16T19:18:27Z

DanaGraham: /* Paul Balliet */

This page gives context to the activities of the Balliet family's iron-producing activities in the mid 1800s. More information on these individuals can be found on their respective pages.

==Founded Establishments==

The origins of the Balliet family can be traced back to Tancred le Balyard: a commander-in-chief of the army of Chlodwig, King of France, around the year 500. The family’s lineage extends everywhere from France to England, Jerusalem to Germany, and finally the United States. According to early records in the United States, the first Balliet to immigrate to America was Paul Balliet, who arrived in Pennsylvania on February 2nd in 1738. Not long after, Joseph Balliet arrived in 1749. Paul settled in Whitehall township where he secured 97 acres by warrant that became 713 acres by 1774. <ref>Filby and William 1985 </ref> On June twenty second of 1756, Paul inherited the Whitehall log hotel whose notable symbol, the flowing bowl, served as inspiration for his nickname “Bowl Balliet:" A nickname given to him by local Native Americans. For many years, the hotel served as a post station where the daily stagecoaches changed horses on their way north and returning. As other families settled there and the community grew, the area became known as Ballietsville.

Paul Balliet and his wife Maria Magdalena had nine children: Maria Catharina, John Jacob, Stephen, Susanna, Nicholas, Eva Magdalena Magdalena, and Paul Balliet. When Paul passed away on March nineteenth of 1777, he left a will behind that stated that his son Stephen

''shall have the plantation in Towamensing township on the Blue mountains, where Samuel Somery lives, and if Stephen wants the old plantation, he shall have it, and son John have the tract of land bought by Samuel Morris.
'' <ref> Filby and William 1985 </ref>

Not soon after his father's death and the inheritance of the plantation, in 1826 Stephen became a prominent ironmaster with Samuel Helffrich. In 1828 they erected a forge in East penn township, Carbon county. After Helffrich died, Stephen purchased about 3,000 acres of land, on which he erected a furnace and four houses. Later, Stephen Balliet’s grandson, Paul (son of Stephen Balliet Jr.) built and operated the Coplay iron furnaces. John Balliet, son of Stephen, was born November thirteenth of 1819. He was the first to seriously embarked in business in the charcoal furnaces with his brothers Aaron and Paul.

The Balliet iron plantations, much like any other plantation, was self-sufficient. This meant that there were jobs for everyone including the families living on the grounds. Jobs ranged from ironmaster to shopkeepers, blacksmiths, agricultural workers, and of course colliers. These plantations were commonly made up of thousands of acres and therefore required a large community of skilled workers to sustain themselves and their families. Work forces on the iron plantations consisted of indentured servants, slaves, and free laborers as well as regular workers and ironmasters <ref>Steffen 87</ref>. Indentured servants were large in numbers and along with slaves, performed the least skilled tasks on plantations: serving as woodcutters to supply the charcoal furnaces or as miners to dig iron ore. It was uncommon for laborers to move upward in ranks on plantations.

In 1816, the Ballietsville English school was established. <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 73 </ref> Another English school was established in 1833. "In the beginning of the first decade of the present century, educational matters/importance began to grow." <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 74 </ref> The earliest schools were connected to the Lutheran and German reformed churches and the pastor almost always the teacher (secular).<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 72 </ref> Under the firm name Pretz, Balliet, Gausler & Co. they had established a planing-mill for about three years. <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 86 </ref>

==Aaron Balliet==
In 1837 [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]] erected a charcoal furnace in Carbon County and operated it for twenty years before relocating to Ballietsville<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 505</ref>. Aaron Balliet, his brother [[Stephen Balliet (1809-1860)]], his brother-in-law [[Benjamin Levan (1806-1886)]], and his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] became incorporated to form Stephen Balliet & Co., with the purpose of building iron furnaces<ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 1:633</ref>. In 1854 his father died and the company admitted new partners and became the [[Lehigh Valley Iron Company]] <ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 1:633</ref>. In 1879, after various financial hardships, the company reincorporated as the Coplay Iron Company, with Aaron Balliet serving as a director of the company<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504 </ref>. Aaron Balliet also managed mines with his brothers [[Paul Balliet (1811-1886)]] and [[John Balliet (1819-1886)]].

==Benjamin Levan==
[[Benjamin Levan (1806-1886)]] was married to Maria Balliet, daughter of [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]]<ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 2:51-54</ref>. Levan became the superintendent of the [[Lehigh Furnace]] in Washington Township, PA, a position that he held for twenty-eight years<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504 </ref>. Benjamin Levan later moved to Whitehall Township, where he was integral in establishing the furnace at the [[Lehigh Valley Iron Company]]. He remained with the company for thirty years serving as secretary, treasurer, superintendent, and general manager<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504 </ref>.

==John Balliet==
[[John Balliet (1819-1886)]] worked at the [[Lehigh Furnace]], which was owned by his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]]<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 555</ref>. He later became the co-owner, alongside his brothers [[Paul Balliet (1811-1886)]] and [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]], and superintendent of said property<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 555</ref>. John Balliet moved to East Penn Township and became the superintendent of the [[East Penn Furnace]], which was later partially destroyed by floods<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 556</ref>. John Balliet rebuilt, leased, and successfully ran the furnace for many years. John Balliet also worked outside of the furnace industry; he was the director of the National Bank of Slatington, which was organized in 1875 <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 564</ref>. Mr. Balliet was also a shareholder of the Lehigh furnace in Allentown and the Coplay Iron Company <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 556</ref>. John Balliet was also a member of the city council for several years <ref>Portrait and Biographical Record 1894, 268</ref>. John Balliet’s impressive life continued with him owning extensive real estate properties including a planing mill, a lumberyard, several farms and various buildings <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 556</ref>. In addition to his properties, he owned a store in Bowmanstown and owned the Bowmanstown Hotel <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 767</ref><ref>Brenckman 1913, 370</ref>. John Balliet's lands totaled more than eight hundred acres <ref>TheCarbon Advocate December 13, 1890</ref>.

==Paul Balliet==
[[Paul Balliet (1811-1886)]] managed a furnace that his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] owned. Along with his brothers [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]] and [[John Balliet (1819-1886)]], Paul Balliet became involved in a mining enterprise in North Whitehall. By the early 1800s the Balliet's were entering local politics. This was evident in Paul's role as elected commissioner in 1839 and Hiram Balliet's role as elected commissioner in 1871.

==Stephen Balliet==
In 1826 [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] and Samuel Helffrich bought the land upon which the [[Lehigh Furnace]] would be built, purchasing twenty-five acres at the southern foot of the Blue Mountain from Christian Snyder and Christian Bloss<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 553 </ref>. Stephen Balliet and Helffrich erected the [[East Penn Forge]] on the north side of the Blue Mountain in East Penn Township, Carbon County in 1828<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 722 </ref>. In 1830 Helffrich died<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 553</ref>, and his shares in the iron business were bought by Stephen Balliet two years later<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 722 </ref>. In 1837 Stephen Balliet purchased three thousand acres of land near the forge, built another furnace, and constructed additional housing for workers, bringing the total to eleven<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 722 </ref>. Stephen Balliet continued to operate the furnace until his death in 1854<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 553</ref>.

==Stephen Balliet==
In 1853 [[Stephen Balliet (1809-1860)]], his brother [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]], his brother-in-law [[Benjamin Levan (1806-1886)]], and his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] became incorporated to form Stephen Balliet & Co., beginning the Coplay Ironworks<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504</ref>.

Stephen Balliet married Maria Anna Bieber (1811-1832) in 1831<ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 2:49</ref>. They had a son together, Lewis Bieber Balliet (1832-1913). Stephen Balliet's wife died in April of 1832. Following her death, he married Elizabeth Huntzinger and together they had eleven children, five of whom survived into adulthood: Sarah, Emma, Fannie, Margaret, and Arabella<ref> Roberts et al. 1914, 2:49</ref>.

The Northampton Bank in Allentown, PA, chartered in 1814, began to fail in 1842 and shut its doors. The bank reopened in 1843<ref>Mathews and Hungerford, 145</ref>, and Stephen Balliet was elected as the president of the bank on June 5 of that year<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 146</ref>.

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
*Brenckman, Frederick Charles. 1913. ''History of Carbon County, Pennsylvania: Also Containing a Separate Account of the Several Boroughs and Townships in the County, with Biographical Sketches.'' Harrisburg, Pa: J. J. Nungesser.

*Filby, P. William, Meyer, Mary K., Passenger and immigration lists index : a guide to published arrival records of about 500,000 passengers who came to the United States and Canada in the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries. 1982-1985 Cumulated Supplements in Four Volumes Detroit, Mich. : Gale Research Co., 1985, Print (ISBN 0-8103-1795-8)

*The Carbon Advocate. 1890. ''Orphans’ Court Sale of Very Valuable Real Estate!- John Balliet,'' December 13, 1890.

* Hellerich, Mahlon Howard. 1987. ''A History of Allentown: 1861-1865.'' In Allentown 1762-1987: A 225-Year History, edited by Mahlon Howard Hellerich, 91–180. Allentown, PA: Lehigh County Historical Society.

* Mathews, Alfred, and Austin N. Hungerford. 1884. ''History of the Counties of Lehigh and Carbon, in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.'' Philadelphia: Everts & Richards.

*''Portrait and Biographical Record of Lehigh, Northampton, and Carbon Counties, Pennsylvania: Containing Biographical Sketches of Prominent and Representative Citizens of the Counties, Together with Biographies and Portraits of the Presidents of the United States.'' 1894. Chicago: Chapman Publishing Co.

*Roberts, Charles Rhoads, John Baer Stoudt, Thomas H. Krick, and William J. Dietrich. 1914. ''History of Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, and a Genealogical and Biographical Record of Its Families.'' Vol. I, Allentown, PA: Lehigh Valley Publishing Company, Limited.

*Roberts, Charles Rhoads, John Baer Stoudt, Thomas H. Krick, and William J. Dietrich. 1914. ''History of Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, and a Genealogical and Biographical Record of Its Families.'' Vol. II, Allentown, PA: Lehigh Valley Publishing Company, Limited.

*Steffen, Charles (1979). "The Pre-Industrial Iron worker: Northampton Iron Works, 1780-1820". Labor History. 20 (1): 89–110.

The Balliet Family

2020-10-16T19:16:26Z

DanaGraham: /* Stephen Balliet */

This page gives context to the activities of the Balliet family's iron-producing activities in the mid 1800s. More information on these individuals can be found on their respective pages.

==Founded Establishments==

The origins of the Balliet family can be traced back to Tancred le Balyard: a commander-in-chief of the army of Chlodwig, King of France, around the year 500. The family’s lineage extends everywhere from France to England, Jerusalem to Germany, and finally the United States. According to early records in the United States, the first Balliet to immigrate to America was Paul Balliet, who arrived in Pennsylvania on February 2nd in 1738. Not long after, Joseph Balliet arrived in 1749. Paul settled in Whitehall township where he secured 97 acres by warrant that became 713 acres by 1774. <ref>Filby and William 1985 </ref> On June twenty second of 1756, Paul inherited the Whitehall log hotel whose notable symbol, the flowing bowl, served as inspiration for his nickname “Bowl Balliet:" A nickname given to him by local Native Americans. For many years, the hotel served as a post station where the daily stagecoaches changed horses on their way north and returning. As other families settled there and the community grew, the area became known as Ballietsville.

Paul Balliet and his wife Maria Magdalena had nine children: Maria Catharina, John Jacob, Stephen, Susanna, Nicholas, Eva Magdalena Magdalena, and Paul Balliet. When Paul passed away on March nineteenth of 1777, he left a will behind that stated that his son Stephen

''shall have the plantation in Towamensing township on the Blue mountains, where Samuel Somery lives, and if Stephen wants the old plantation, he shall have it, and son John have the tract of land bought by Samuel Morris.
'' <ref> Filby and William 1985 </ref>

Not soon after his father's death and the inheritance of the plantation, in 1826 Stephen became a prominent ironmaster with Samuel Helffrich. In 1828 they erected a forge in East penn township, Carbon county. After Helffrich died, Stephen purchased about 3,000 acres of land, on which he erected a furnace and four houses. Later, Stephen Balliet’s grandson, Paul (son of Stephen Balliet Jr.) built and operated the Coplay iron furnaces. John Balliet, son of Stephen, was born November thirteenth of 1819. He was the first to seriously embarked in business in the charcoal furnaces with his brothers Aaron and Paul.

The Balliet iron plantations, much like any other plantation, was self-sufficient. This meant that there were jobs for everyone including the families living on the grounds. Jobs ranged from ironmaster to shopkeepers, blacksmiths, agricultural workers, and of course colliers. These plantations were commonly made up of thousands of acres and therefore required a large community of skilled workers to sustain themselves and their families. Work forces on the iron plantations consisted of indentured servants, slaves, and free laborers as well as regular workers and ironmasters <ref>Steffen 87</ref>. Indentured servants were large in numbers and along with slaves, performed the least skilled tasks on plantations: serving as woodcutters to supply the charcoal furnaces or as miners to dig iron ore. It was uncommon for laborers to move upward in ranks on plantations.

In 1816, the Ballietsville English school was established. <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 73 </ref> Another English school was established in 1833. "In the beginning of the first decade of the present century, educational matters/importance began to grow." <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 74 </ref> The earliest schools were connected to the Lutheran and German reformed churches and the pastor almost always the teacher (secular).<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 72 </ref> Under the firm name Pretz, Balliet, Gausler & Co. they had established a planing-mill for about three years. <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 86 </ref>

==Aaron Balliet==
In 1837 [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]] erected a charcoal furnace in Carbon County and operated it for twenty years before relocating to Ballietsville<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 505</ref>. Aaron Balliet, his brother [[Stephen Balliet (1809-1860)]], his brother-in-law [[Benjamin Levan (1806-1886)]], and his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] became incorporated to form Stephen Balliet & Co., with the purpose of building iron furnaces<ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 1:633</ref>. In 1854 his father died and the company admitted new partners and became the [[Lehigh Valley Iron Company]] <ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 1:633</ref>. In 1879, after various financial hardships, the company reincorporated as the Coplay Iron Company, with Aaron Balliet serving as a director of the company<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504 </ref>. Aaron Balliet also managed mines with his brothers [[Paul Balliet (1811-1886)]] and [[John Balliet (1819-1886)]].

==Benjamin Levan==
[[Benjamin Levan (1806-1886)]] was married to Maria Balliet, daughter of [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]]<ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 2:51-54</ref>. Levan became the superintendent of the [[Lehigh Furnace]] in Washington Township, PA, a position that he held for twenty-eight years<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504 </ref>. Benjamin Levan later moved to Whitehall Township, where he was integral in establishing the furnace at the [[Lehigh Valley Iron Company]]. He remained with the company for thirty years serving as secretary, treasurer, superintendent, and general manager<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504 </ref>.

==John Balliet==
[[John Balliet (1819-1886)]] worked at the [[Lehigh Furnace]], which was owned by his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]]<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 555</ref>. He later became the co-owner, alongside his brothers [[Paul Balliet (1811-1886)]] and [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]], and superintendent of said property<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 555</ref>. John Balliet moved to East Penn Township and became the superintendent of the [[East Penn Furnace]], which was later partially destroyed by floods<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 556</ref>. John Balliet rebuilt, leased, and successfully ran the furnace for many years. John Balliet also worked outside of the furnace industry; he was the director of the National Bank of Slatington, which was organized in 1875 <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 564</ref>. Mr. Balliet was also a shareholder of the Lehigh furnace in Allentown and the Coplay Iron Company <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 556</ref>. John Balliet was also a member of the city council for several years <ref>Portrait and Biographical Record 1894, 268</ref>. John Balliet’s impressive life continued with him owning extensive real estate properties including a planing mill, a lumberyard, several farms and various buildings <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 556</ref>. In addition to his properties, he owned a store in Bowmanstown and owned the Bowmanstown Hotel <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 767</ref><ref>Brenckman 1913, 370</ref>. John Balliet's lands totaled more than eight hundred acres <ref>TheCarbon Advocate December 13, 1890</ref>.

==Paul Balliet==
[[Paul Balliet (1811-1886)]] managed a furnace that his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] owned. Along with his brothers [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]] and [[John Balliet (1819-1886)]], Paul Balliet became involved in a mining enterprise in North Whitehall.

==Stephen Balliet==
In 1826 [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] and Samuel Helffrich bought the land upon which the [[Lehigh Furnace]] would be built, purchasing twenty-five acres at the southern foot of the Blue Mountain from Christian Snyder and Christian Bloss<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 553 </ref>. Stephen Balliet and Helffrich erected the [[East Penn Forge]] on the north side of the Blue Mountain in East Penn Township, Carbon County in 1828<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 722 </ref>. In 1830 Helffrich died<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 553</ref>, and his shares in the iron business were bought by Stephen Balliet two years later<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 722 </ref>. In 1837 Stephen Balliet purchased three thousand acres of land near the forge, built another furnace, and constructed additional housing for workers, bringing the total to eleven<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 722 </ref>. Stephen Balliet continued to operate the furnace until his death in 1854<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 553</ref>.

==Stephen Balliet==
In 1853 [[Stephen Balliet (1809-1860)]], his brother [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]], his brother-in-law [[Benjamin Levan (1806-1886)]], and his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] became incorporated to form Stephen Balliet & Co., beginning the Coplay Ironworks<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504</ref>.

Stephen Balliet married Maria Anna Bieber (1811-1832) in 1831<ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 2:49</ref>. They had a son together, Lewis Bieber Balliet (1832-1913). Stephen Balliet's wife died in April of 1832. Following her death, he married Elizabeth Huntzinger and together they had eleven children, five of whom survived into adulthood: Sarah, Emma, Fannie, Margaret, and Arabella<ref> Roberts et al. 1914, 2:49</ref>.

The Northampton Bank in Allentown, PA, chartered in 1814, began to fail in 1842 and shut its doors. The bank reopened in 1843<ref>Mathews and Hungerford, 145</ref>, and Stephen Balliet was elected as the president of the bank on June 5 of that year<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 146</ref>.

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
*Brenckman, Frederick Charles. 1913. ''History of Carbon County, Pennsylvania: Also Containing a Separate Account of the Several Boroughs and Townships in the County, with Biographical Sketches.'' Harrisburg, Pa: J. J. Nungesser.

*Filby, P. William, Meyer, Mary K., Passenger and immigration lists index : a guide to published arrival records of about 500,000 passengers who came to the United States and Canada in the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries. 1982-1985 Cumulated Supplements in Four Volumes Detroit, Mich. : Gale Research Co., 1985, Print (ISBN 0-8103-1795-8)

*The Carbon Advocate. 1890. ''Orphans’ Court Sale of Very Valuable Real Estate!- John Balliet,'' December 13, 1890.

* Hellerich, Mahlon Howard. 1987. ''A History of Allentown: 1861-1865.'' In Allentown 1762-1987: A 225-Year History, edited by Mahlon Howard Hellerich, 91–180. Allentown, PA: Lehigh County Historical Society.

* Mathews, Alfred, and Austin N. Hungerford. 1884. ''History of the Counties of Lehigh and Carbon, in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.'' Philadelphia: Everts & Richards.

*''Portrait and Biographical Record of Lehigh, Northampton, and Carbon Counties, Pennsylvania: Containing Biographical Sketches of Prominent and Representative Citizens of the Counties, Together with Biographies and Portraits of the Presidents of the United States.'' 1894. Chicago: Chapman Publishing Co.

*Roberts, Charles Rhoads, John Baer Stoudt, Thomas H. Krick, and William J. Dietrich. 1914. ''History of Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, and a Genealogical and Biographical Record of Its Families.'' Vol. I, Allentown, PA: Lehigh Valley Publishing Company, Limited.

*Roberts, Charles Rhoads, John Baer Stoudt, Thomas H. Krick, and William J. Dietrich. 1914. ''History of Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, and a Genealogical and Biographical Record of Its Families.'' Vol. II, Allentown, PA: Lehigh Valley Publishing Company, Limited.

*Steffen, Charles (1979). "The Pre-Industrial Iron worker: Northampton Iron Works, 1780-1820". Labor History. 20 (1): 89–110.

The Balliet Family

2020-10-16T19:11:42Z

DanaGraham:

This page gives context to the activities of the Balliet family's iron-producing activities in the mid 1800s. More information on these individuals can be found on their respective pages.

==Founded Establishments==

The origins of the Balliet family can be traced back to Tancred le Balyard: a commander-in-chief of the army of Chlodwig, King of France, around the year 500. The family’s lineage extends everywhere from France to England, Jerusalem to Germany, and finally the United States. According to early records in the United States, the first Balliet to immigrate to America was Paul Balliet, who arrived in Pennsylvania on February 2nd in 1738. Not long after, Joseph Balliet arrived in 1749. Paul settled in Whitehall township where he secured 97 acres by warrant that became 713 acres by 1774. <ref>Filby and William 1985 </ref> On June twenty second of 1756, Paul inherited the Whitehall log hotel whose notable symbol, the flowing bowl, served as inspiration for his nickname “Bowl Balliet:" A nickname given to him by local Native Americans. For many years, the hotel served as a post station where the daily stagecoaches changed horses on their way north and returning. As other families settled there and the community grew, the area became known as Ballietsville.

Paul Balliet and his wife Maria Magdalena had nine children: Maria Catharina, John Jacob, Stephen, Susanna, Nicholas, Eva Magdalena Magdalena, and Paul Balliet. When Paul passed away on March nineteenth of 1777, he left a will behind that stated that his son Stephen

''shall have the plantation in Towamensing township on the Blue mountains, where Samuel Somery lives, and if Stephen wants the old plantation, he shall have it, and son John have the tract of land bought by Samuel Morris.
'' <ref> Filby and William 1985 </ref>

Not soon after his father's death and the inheritance of the plantation, in 1826 Stephen became a prominent ironmaster with Samuel Helffrich. In 1828 they erected a forge in East penn township, Carbon county. After Helffrich died, Stephen purchased about 3,000 acres of land, on which he erected a furnace and four houses. Later, Stephen Balliet’s grandson, Paul (son of Stephen Balliet Jr.) built and operated the Coplay iron furnaces. John Balliet, son of Stephen, was born November thirteenth of 1819. He was the first to seriously embarked in business in the charcoal furnaces with his brothers Aaron and Paul.

The Balliet iron plantations, much like any other plantation, was self-sufficient. This meant that there were jobs for everyone including the families living on the grounds. Jobs ranged from ironmaster to shopkeepers, blacksmiths, agricultural workers, and of course colliers. These plantations were commonly made up of thousands of acres and therefore required a large community of skilled workers to sustain themselves and their families. Work forces on the iron plantations consisted of indentured servants, slaves, and free laborers as well as regular workers and ironmasters <ref>Steffen 87</ref>. Indentured servants were large in numbers and along with slaves, performed the least skilled tasks on plantations: serving as woodcutters to supply the charcoal furnaces or as miners to dig iron ore. It was uncommon for laborers to move upward in ranks on plantations.

In 1816, the Ballietsville English school was established. <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 73 </ref> Another English school was established in 1833. "In the beginning of the first decade of the present century, educational matters/importance began to grow." <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 74 </ref> The earliest schools were connected to the Lutheran and German reformed churches and the pastor almost always the teacher (secular).<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 72 </ref> Under the firm name Pretz, Balliet, Gausler & Co. they had established a planing-mill for about three years. <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 86 </ref>

==Aaron Balliet==
In 1837 [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]] erected a charcoal furnace in Carbon County and operated it for twenty years before relocating to Ballietsville<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 505</ref>. Aaron Balliet, his brother [[Stephen Balliet (1809-1860)]], his brother-in-law [[Benjamin Levan (1806-1886)]], and his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] became incorporated to form Stephen Balliet & Co., with the purpose of building iron furnaces<ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 1:633</ref>. In 1854 his father died and the company admitted new partners and became the [[Lehigh Valley Iron Company]] <ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 1:633</ref>. In 1879, after various financial hardships, the company reincorporated as the Coplay Iron Company, with Aaron Balliet serving as a director of the company<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504 </ref>. Aaron Balliet also managed mines with his brothers [[Paul Balliet (1811-1886)]] and [[John Balliet (1819-1886)]].

==Benjamin Levan==
[[Benjamin Levan (1806-1886)]] was married to Maria Balliet, daughter of [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]]<ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 2:51-54</ref>. Levan became the superintendent of the [[Lehigh Furnace]] in Washington Township, PA, a position that he held for twenty-eight years<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504 </ref>. Benjamin Levan later moved to Whitehall Township, where he was integral in establishing the furnace at the [[Lehigh Valley Iron Company]]. He remained with the company for thirty years serving as secretary, treasurer, superintendent, and general manager<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504 </ref>.

==John Balliet==
[[John Balliet (1819-1886)]] worked at the [[Lehigh Furnace]], which was owned by his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]]<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 555</ref>. He later became the co-owner, alongside his brothers [[Paul Balliet (1811-1886)]] and [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]], and superintendent of said property<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 555</ref>. John Balliet moved to East Penn Township and became the superintendent of the [[East Penn Furnace]], which was later partially destroyed by floods<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 556</ref>. John Balliet rebuilt, leased, and successfully ran the furnace for many years. John Balliet also worked outside of the furnace industry; he was the director of the National Bank of Slatington, which was organized in 1875 <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 564</ref>. Mr. Balliet was also a shareholder of the Lehigh furnace in Allentown and the Coplay Iron Company <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 556</ref>. John Balliet was also a member of the city council for several years <ref>Portrait and Biographical Record 1894, 268</ref>. John Balliet’s impressive life continued with him owning extensive real estate properties including a planing mill, a lumberyard, several farms and various buildings <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 556</ref>. In addition to his properties, he owned a store in Bowmanstown and owned the Bowmanstown Hotel <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 767</ref><ref>Brenckman 1913, 370</ref>. John Balliet's lands totaled more than eight hundred acres <ref>TheCarbon Advocate December 13, 1890</ref>.

==Paul Balliet==
[[Paul Balliet (1811-1886)]] managed a furnace that his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] owned. Along with his brothers [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]] and [[John Balliet (1819-1886)]], Paul Balliet became involved in a mining enterprise in North Whitehall.

==Stephen Balliet==
In 1826 [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] and Samuel Helffrich bought the land upon which the [[Lehigh Furnace]] would be built, purchasing twenty-five acres at the southern foot of the Blue Mountain from Christian Snyder and Christian Bloss<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 553 </ref>. Stephen Balliet and Helffrich erected the [[East Penn Forge]] on the north side of the Blue Mountain in East Penn Township, Carbon County in 1828<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 722 </ref>. In 1830 Helffrich died<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 553</ref>, and his shares in the iron business were bought by Stephen Balliet two years later<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 722 </ref>. In 1837 Stephen Balliet purchased three thousand acres of land near the forge, built another furnace, and constructed additional housing for workers, bringing the total to eleven<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 722 </ref>. Stephen Balliet continued to operate the furnace until his death in 1854<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 553</ref>.

Balliet's came to Lehigh Valley around 1735. (page 6 Austin Matthews, Austin Ungerford; Histories of the Counties of Lehigh and Carbon, in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania)

Paulus Balliet was one of the first settlers along the Coplay Creek. He was born in Alsace, Germany in 1717 and came to America in 1738. He was the original landlord at Ballietsville. (page 511)

In 1816 the Ballietsville English School opened, which might indicate that the Balliet family had grown and attained enough money and influence to help establish an English school, which was unusual in that area since most schools in that area had instruction given in German. (page 73).

By the early 1800s the Balliet's were entering local politics, with Paull Balliet elected as commisioner in 1839 and Hiram Balliet elected commissioner in 1871. (page 50)

By 1854, L.B. Balliet graduated from the University of Pennsylvania as a physician, who returned to practice in the Lehigh Valley. (page 70)

Records seem to indicate that other Balliet's were physicians as well, since S.W. Balliet was a member of the Lehigh County Medical Society in 1865. (page 72)

In 1856 a planing-mill and lumber yard opened with the name Pretz, Balliet, Gausler & Co, which would indicate that a member of the Balliet family was involved in this business. (page 86)

In April 1856 a road was approved that went from Balliet's Furnace to Allentown, PA (page 278)

The original Balliet's Furnace was in operation in 1832 and was already being referred to as the "old Balliet furnace". It later became known as "old Lehigh Furnace." (page 279)

In 1853 Stephen Balliet, Stephen Balliet Jr. and Aaron Billiet, along with Benjamin Levan went into business together as Stephen Balliet & Co., to build and operate an iron furnace (page 504).

Paulus Balliet was one of the first settlers along the Coplay Creek. He was born in Alsace, Germany in 1717 and came to America in 1738. He was the original landlord at Ballietsville. (page 511)

https://explorepahistory.com/story.php?storyId=1-9-17&chapter=2#:~:text=By%201775%2C%20more%20than%202%2C000,Employees%20were%20a%20diverse%20lot.&text=Slaves%20were%20a%20minority%20of,slave%20owners%20in%20rural%20Pennsylvania.
In the Pennsylvania Iron Industry in general, iron plantations required workers with a broad range of skills. Founders kept the furnace in blast, molders cast the iron into products, and the colliers heated the wood to make the charcoal that kept the furnace going. Less skilled workers were the woodcutters and teamsters. Founders and molders were highly skilled workers, so they were usually hard to find and difficult to replace if they left. (Source above: ExplorePAHistory.com)

==Stephen Balliet==
In 1853 [[Stephen Balliet (1809-1860)]], his brother [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]], his brother-in-law [[Benjamin Levan (1806-1886)]], and his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] became incorporated to form Stephen Balliet & Co., beginning the Coplay Ironworks<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504</ref>.

Stephen Balliet married Maria Anna Bieber (1811-1832) in 1831<ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 2:49</ref>. They had a son together, Lewis Bieber Balliet (1832-1913). Stephen Balliet's wife died in April of 1832. Following her death, he married Elizabeth Huntzinger and together they had eleven children, five of whom survived into adulthood: Sarah, Emma, Fannie, Margaret, and Arabella<ref> Roberts et al. 1914, 2:49</ref>.

The Northampton Bank in Allentown, PA, chartered in 1814, began to fail in 1842 and shut its doors. The bank reopened in 1843<ref>Mathews and Hungerford, 145</ref>, and Stephen Balliet was elected as the president of the bank on June 5 of that year<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 146</ref>.

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
*Brenckman, Frederick Charles. 1913. ''History of Carbon County, Pennsylvania: Also Containing a Separate Account of the Several Boroughs and Townships in the County, with Biographical Sketches.'' Harrisburg, Pa: J. J. Nungesser.

*Filby, P. William, Meyer, Mary K., Passenger and immigration lists index : a guide to published arrival records of about 500,000 passengers who came to the United States and Canada in the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries. 1982-1985 Cumulated Supplements in Four Volumes Detroit, Mich. : Gale Research Co., 1985, Print (ISBN 0-8103-1795-8)

*The Carbon Advocate. 1890. ''Orphans’ Court Sale of Very Valuable Real Estate!- John Balliet,'' December 13, 1890.

* Hellerich, Mahlon Howard. 1987. ''A History of Allentown: 1861-1865.'' In Allentown 1762-1987: A 225-Year History, edited by Mahlon Howard Hellerich, 91–180. Allentown, PA: Lehigh County Historical Society.

* Mathews, Alfred, and Austin N. Hungerford. 1884. ''History of the Counties of Lehigh and Carbon, in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.'' Philadelphia: Everts & Richards.

*''Portrait and Biographical Record of Lehigh, Northampton, and Carbon Counties, Pennsylvania: Containing Biographical Sketches of Prominent and Representative Citizens of the Counties, Together with Biographies and Portraits of the Presidents of the United States.'' 1894. Chicago: Chapman Publishing Co.

*Roberts, Charles Rhoads, John Baer Stoudt, Thomas H. Krick, and William J. Dietrich. 1914. ''History of Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, and a Genealogical and Biographical Record of Its Families.'' Vol. I, Allentown, PA: Lehigh Valley Publishing Company, Limited.

*Roberts, Charles Rhoads, John Baer Stoudt, Thomas H. Krick, and William J. Dietrich. 1914. ''History of Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, and a Genealogical and Biographical Record of Its Families.'' Vol. II, Allentown, PA: Lehigh Valley Publishing Company, Limited.

*Steffen, Charles (1979). "The Pre-Industrial Iron worker: Northampton Iron Works, 1780-1820". Labor History. 20 (1): 89–110.

The Balliet Family

2020-10-16T19:07:34Z

DanaGraham:

This page gives context to the activities of the Balliet family's iron-producing activities in the mid 1800s. More information on these individuals can be found on their respective pages.

==Founded Establishments==

The origins of the Balliet family can be traced back to Tancred le Balyard: a commander-in-chief of the army of Chlodwig, King of France, around the year 500. The family’s lineage extends everywhere from France to England, Jerusalem to Germany, and finally the United States. According to early records in the United States, the first Balliet to immigrate to America was Paul Balliet, who arrived in Pennsylvania on February 2nd in 1738. Not long after, Joseph Balliet arrived in 1749. Paul settled in Whitehall township where he secured 97 acres by warrant that became 713 acres by 1774. <ref>Filby and William 1985 </ref> On June twenty second of 1756, Paul inherited the Whitehall log hotel whose notable symbol, the flowing bowl, served as inspiration for his nickname “Bowl Balliet:" A nickname given to him by local Native Americans. For many years, the hotel served as a post station where the daily stagecoaches changed horses on their way north and returning. As other families settled there and the community grew, the area became known as Ballietsville.

Paul Balliet and his wife Maria Magdalena had nine children: Maria Catharina, John Jacob, Stephen, Susanna, Nicholas, Eva Magdalena Magdalena, and Paul Balliet. When Paul passed away on March nineteenth of 1777, he left a will behind that stated that his son Stephen

''shall have the plantation in Towamensing township on the Blue mountains, where Samuel Somery lives, and if Stephen wants the old plantation, he shall have it, and son John have the tract of land bought by Samuel Morris.
'' <ref> Filby and William 1985 </ref>

Not soon after his father's death and the inheritance of the plantation, in 1826 Stephen became a prominent ironmaster with Samuel Helffrich. In 1828 they erected a forge in East penn township, Carbon county. After Helffrich died, Stephen purchased about 3,000 acres of land, on which he erected a furnace and four houses. Later, Stephen Balliet’s grandson, Paul (son of Stephen Balliet Jr.) built and operated the Coplay iron furnaces. John Balliet, son of Stephen, was born November thirteenth of 1819. He was the first to seriously embarked in business in the charcoal furnaces with his brothers Aaron and Paul.

The Balliet iron plantations, much like any other plantation, was self-sufficient. This meant that there were jobs for everyone including the families living on the grounds. Jobs ranged from ironmaster to shopkeepers, blacksmiths, agricultural workers, and of course colliers. These plantations were commonly made up of thousands of acres and therefore required a large community of skilled workers to sustain themselves and their families. Work forces on the iron plantations consisted of indentured servants, slaves, and free laborers as well as regular workers and ironmasters <ref>Steffen 87</ref>. Indentured servants were large in numbers and along with slaves, performed the least skilled tasks on plantations: serving as woodcutters to supply the charcoal furnaces or as miners to dig iron ore. It was uncommon for laborers to move upward in ranks on plantations.

In 1816, the Ballietsville English school was established. <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 73 </ref> Another English school was established in 1833. "In the beginning of the first decade of the present century, educational matters/importance began to grow." <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 74 </ref> The earliest schools were connected to the Lutheran and German reformed churches and the pastor almost always the teacher (secular).<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 72 </ref> Under the firm name Pretz, Balliet, Gausler & Co. they had established a planing-mill for about three years. <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 86 </ref>

==Aaron Balliet==
In 1837 [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]] erected a charcoal furnace in Carbon County and operated it for twenty years before relocating to Ballietsville<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 505</ref>. Aaron Balliet, his brother [[Stephen Balliet (1809-1860)]], his brother-in-law [[Benjamin Levan (1806-1886)]], and his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] became incorporated to form Stephen Balliet & Co., with the purpose of building iron furnaces<ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 1:633</ref>. In 1854 his father died and the company admitted new partners and became the [[Lehigh Valley Iron Company]] <ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 1:633</ref>. In 1879, after various financial hardships, the company reincorporated as the Coplay Iron Company, with Aaron Balliet serving as a director of the company<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504 </ref>. Aaron Balliet also managed mines with his brothers [[Paul Balliet (1811-1886)]] and [[John Balliet (1819-1886)]].

==Benjamin Levan==
[[Benjamin Levan (1806-1886)]] was married to Maria Balliet, daughter of [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]]<ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 2:51-54</ref>. Levan became the superintendent of the [[Lehigh Furnace]] in Washington Township, PA, a position that he held for twenty-eight years<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504 </ref>. Benjamin Levan later moved to Whitehall Township, where he was integral in establishing the furnace at the [[Lehigh Valley Iron Company]]. He remained with the company for thirty years serving as secretary, treasurer, superintendent, and general manager<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504 </ref>.

==John Balliet==
[[John Balliet (1819-1886)]] worked at the [[Lehigh Furnace]], which was owned by his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]]<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 555</ref>. He later became the co-owner, alongside his brothers [[Paul Balliet (1811-1886)]] and [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]], and superintendent of said property<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 555</ref>. John Balliet moved to East Penn Township and became the superintendent of the [[East Penn Furnace]], which was later partially destroyed by floods<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 556</ref>. John Balliet rebuilt, leased, and successfully ran the furnace for many years. John Balliet also worked outside of the furnace industry; he was the director of the National Bank of Slatington, which was organized in 1875 <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 564</ref>. Mr. Balliet was also a shareholder of the Lehigh furnace in Allentown and the Coplay Iron Company <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 556</ref>. John Balliet was also a member of the city council for several years <ref>Portrait and Biographical Record 1894, 268</ref>. John Balliet’s impressive life continued with him owning extensive real estate properties including a planing mill, a lumberyard, several farms and various buildings <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 556</ref>. In addition to his properties, he owned a store in Bowmanstown and owned the Bowmanstown Hotel <ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 767</ref><ref>Brenckman 1913, 370</ref>. John Balliet's lands totaled more than eight hundred acres <ref>TheCarbon Advocate December 13, 1890</ref>.

==Paul Balliet==
[[Paul Balliet (1811-1886)]] managed a furnace that his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] owned. Along with his brothers [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]] and [[John Balliet (1819-1886)]], Paul Balliet became involved in a mining enterprise in North Whitehall.

==Stephen Balliet==
In 1826 [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] and Samuel Helffrich bought the land upon which the [[Lehigh Furnace]] would be built, purchasing twenty-five acres at the southern foot of the Blue Mountain from Christian Snyder and Christian Bloss<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 553 </ref>. Stephen Balliet and Helffrich erected the [[East Penn Forge]] on the north side of the Blue Mountain in East Penn Township, Carbon County in 1828<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 722 </ref>. In 1830 Helffrich died<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 553</ref>, and his shares in the iron business were bought by Stephen Balliet two years later<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 722 </ref>. In 1837 Stephen Balliet purchased three thousand acres of land near the forge, built another furnace, and constructed additional housing for workers, bringing the total to eleven<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 722 </ref>. Stephen Balliet continued to operate the furnace until his death in 1854<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 553</ref>.

Balliet's came to Lehigh Valley around 1735. (page 6 Austin Matthews, Austin Ungerford; Histories of the Counties of Lehigh and Carbon, in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania)

Paulus Balliet was one of the first settlers along the Coplay Creek. He was born in Alsace, Germany in 1717 and came to America in 1738. He was the original landlord at Ballietsville. (page 511)

In 1816 the Ballietsville English School opened, which might indicate that the Balliet family had grown and attained enough money and influence to help establish an English school, which was unusual in that area since most schools in that area had instruction given in German. (page 73).

By the early 1800s the Balliet's were entering local politics, with Paull Balliet elected as commisioner in 1839 and Hiram Balliet elected commissioner in 1871. (page 50)

By 1854, L.B. Balliet graduated from the University of Pennsylvania as a physician, who returned to practice in the Lehigh Valley. (page 70)

Records seem to indicate that other Balliet's were physicians as well, since S.W. Balliet was a member of the Lehigh County Medical Society in 1865. (page 72)

In 1856 a planing-mill and lumber yard opened with the name Pretz, Balliet, Gausler & Co, which would indicate that a member of the Balliet family was involved in this business. (page 86)

In April 1856 a road was approved that went from Balliet's Furnace to Allentown, PA (page 278)

The original Balliet's Furnace was in operation in 1832 and was already being referred to as the "old Balliet furnace". It later became known as "old Lehigh Furnace." (page 279)

In 1853 Stephen Balliet, Stephen Balliet Jr. and Aaron Billiet, along with Benjamin Levan went into business together as Stephen Balliet & Co., to build and operate an iron furnace (page 504).

Paulus Balliet was one of the first settlers along the Coplay Creek. He was born in Alsace, Germany in 1717 and came to America in 1738. He was the original landlord at Ballietsville. (page 511)

https://explorepahistory.com/story.php?storyId=1-9-17&chapter=2#:~:text=By%201775%2C%20more%20than%202%2C000,Employees%20were%20a%20diverse%20lot.&text=Slaves%20were%20a%20minority%20of,slave%20owners%20in%20rural%20Pennsylvania.
In the Pennsylvania Iron Industry in general, iron plantations required workers with a broad range of skills. Founders kept the furnace in blast, molders cast the iron into products, and the colliers heated the wood to make the charcoal that kept the furnace going. Less skilled workers were the woodcutters and teamsters. Founders and molders were highly skilled workers, so they were usually hard to find and difficult to replace if they left. (Source above: ExplorePAHistory.com)

==Stephen Balliet==
In 1853 [[Stephen Balliet (1809-1860)]], his brother [[Aaron Balliet (1813-1895)]], his brother-in-law [[Benjamin Levan (1806-1886)]], and his father [[Stephen Balliet (1781-1854)]] became incorporated to form Stephen Balliet & Co., beginning the Coplay Ironworks<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 504</ref>.

Stephen Balliet married Maria Anna Bieber (1811-1832) in 1831<ref>Roberts et al. 1914, 2:49</ref>. They had a son together, Lewis Bieber Balliet (1832-1913). Stephen Balliet's wife died in April of 1832. Following her death, he married Elizabeth Huntzinger and together they had eleven children, five of whom survived into adulthood: Sarah, Emma, Fannie, Margaret, and Arabella<ref> Roberts et al. 1914, 2:49</ref>.

The Northampton Bank in Allentown, PA, chartered in 1814, began to fail in 1842 and shut its doors. The bank reopened in 1843<ref>Mathews and Hungerford, 145</ref>, and Stephen Balliet was elected as the president of the bank on June 5 of that year<ref>Mathews and Hungerford 1884, 146</ref>.

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
*Brenckman, Frederick Charles. 1913. ''History of Carbon County, Pennsylvania: Also Containing a Separate Account of the Several Boroughs and Townships in the County, with Biographical Sketches.'' Harrisburg, Pa: J. J. Nungesser.

*Filby, P. William, Meyer, Mary K., Passenger and immigration lists index : a guide to published arrival records of about 500,000 passengers who came to the United States and Canada in the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries. 1982-1985 Cumulated Supplements in Four Volumes Detroit, Mich. : Gale Research Co., 1985, Print (ISBN 0-8103-1795-8)

*The Carbon Advocate. 1890. ''Orphans’ Court Sale of Very Valuable Real Estate!- John Balliet,'' December 13, 1890.

* Hellerich, Mahlon Howard. 1987. ''A History of Allentown: 1861-1865.'' In Allentown 1762-1987: A 225-Year History, edited by Mahlon Howard Hellerich, 91–180. Allentown, PA: Lehigh County Historical Society.

* Mathews, Alfred, and Austin N. Hungerford. 1884. ''History of the Counties of Lehigh and Carbon, in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.'' Philadelphia: Everts & Richards.

*''Portrait and Biographical Record of Lehigh, Northampton, and Carbon Counties, Pennsylvania: Containing Biographical Sketches of Prominent and Representative Citizens of the Counties, Together with Biographies and Portraits of the Presidents of the United States.'' 1894. Chicago: Chapman Publishing Co.

*Roberts, Charles Rhoads, John Baer Stoudt, Thomas H. Krick, and William J. Dietrich. 1914. ''History of Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, and a Genealogical and Biographical Record of Its Families.'' Vol. I, Allentown, PA: Lehigh Valley Publishing Company, Limited.

*Roberts, Charles Rhoads, John Baer Stoudt, Thomas H. Krick, and William J. Dietrich. 1914. ''History of Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, and a Genealogical and Biographical Record of Its Families.'' Vol. II, Allentown, PA: Lehigh Valley Publishing Company, Limited.

*Steffen, Charles (1979). "The Pre-Industrial Iron worker: Northampton Iron Works, 1780-1820". Labor History. 20 (1): 89–110.

Bernhard Fernow (1851-1923)

2020-10-05T21:49:16Z

DanaGraham: /* Waste Places */

=Background=

Bernhard Fernow was born in the Prussian Province of Posen. In Prussia, Fernow spent a year in the Prussian forest service prior to studying at the University of Königsberg and the Royal Prussian Academy of Forestry at Münden(Fernow wiki). He emigrated to the Unites States in 1876 after marrying his wife Olivia Reynolds, who actively helped him in many of his later projects. Fernow worked various jobs up until 1878.During the year of 1878 he got the opportunity to manage 15,000 acres of woods in Pennsylvania which was primarily used to obtain charcoal. In 1886, Fernow was named the third Chief of the USDA's Division of Forestry of the United States until 1898.
During his time as Chief his main policy goals were the establishment of a national forest system and introduction of scientific forest management. Fernow produced many scientific reports while working toward the creation of national forests to protect watersheds. During the 1893 Chicago World's Fair Fernow helped produce forestry exhibits that helped generate public support for the establishment of a Prussian inspired national forest ssystem in the United States<ref>Twight, B.W. 1990. Bernhard Fernow and Prussian forestry in America. [[Journal of Forestry|J For]] 88(2):21-25</ref>. As the head if the USDA's Forestry Division Fernow helped create the Forest Reserve Act of 1891 and the Organic Act of 1897. After his time as Chief of the USDA's Division of Forestry, Fernow became the first dean of the New York State College of Forestry at Cornell. This was the first four-year forestry school in the United States however Fernow's time as dean of the school was not particularly fruitful. The program was shut down in 1903 by the New York State government as the program was unpopular due to its clear-cutting and the fires it caused<ref>Charles Z. Lincoln, ed. (1910) ''Messages from the Governors'', vol. X, Albany, p. 555, cited in Colman, Gould P. (1963) ''Education & Agriculture, A History of the NYS College of Agriculture at Cornell University'', Cornell University Press, p.161.</ref><ref>Gove, B. 2005. Logging railroads of the Adirondacks. Syracuse University Press. pp. 176-181.</ref>. During this same time many wildfires were happening due to the sparks from locomotive stacks landing on log stashes. Louis Marshall, an American constitution and civil-rights lawyer, branded locomotives as an "instrument of arson"<ref>Angus, Christopher.The extraordinary Adirondack journey of Clarence Petty: wilderness guide, pilot, and conservationist, p.17</ref>. Bernhard Fernow was aware of this, but continued to build a controversial railroad system that was 6 miles long and was used to transport wood. In 1907 Bernhard Fernow became the founding dean of the University of Toronto's Faculty of Forestry, this was Canadas first university school devoted to forest fire. To date, Fernow is known to be called the "father of professional forestry in the United States."

=Waste Places=
Fernow noticed that the bulk of American papers that recommended methods for planting forests did not account for places with poor growing conditions. Fernow deemed these places "Waste Places" and these locations were typically places with inadequate soil structure or had problems with water. Fernow believed it was important to learn how to properly "forest" these areas because the interests of agriculture will ultimately confine forests to these places<ref>Fernow 1883, 153-154</ref>.

One of Fernow’s writings, “Planting in Waste Places,” describes the conditions in which land needs to be in, in order to produce the most successful forest. According to Fernow, plots of land that are too arid like prairie’s don't serve much and land that is too wet won’t produce any good crop. He then goes on to describe an instrument that is extremely helpful in planting millions of young pines every year. This tool is made up of two parts: a shoe made of iron with one rounded and one flat side, tapering towards the end, in shape like a half cone, so that two of these shoes placed together, with the flat sides, would represent a perfect cone. The second part is located in the center where there is a threaded hole to receive the handle, which consists of a five-eighths inch rod, three and one- half feet long, with a squarely set wood shaft 155-156</ref>. At first glance the tool resembles a carrot dangling by a rope on a piece of wood. It is used by throwing the iron cone into the ground where the plant is to stand. A hole is made by moving the cone back and forth

=Yield of Wood and When to Cut It=
According to Fernow, the weight of charcoal, if properly prepared and housed, is practically a constant factor, since most charcoal is not used fresh, but rather used after weeks when it has absorbed almost all amounts of moisture (up to 10 to 15 per cent)<ref>Bernhard, 1882, 21</ref>.

=Notes=

=References=
Fernow, Bernhard E. 1883. “Planting in Waste Places.” The American Journal of Forestry, January, 153–55.
Fernow, Bernhard E. 1882. “The Yield of Wood and When to Cut It.” Journal of the United States Association of Charcoal Iron Workers 3 (1): 19–26.

Kilns

2020-10-01T13:11:18Z

DanaGraham: /* Kilns vs. Pits */

==Kiln Sites==
Charcoal kiln remains vary greatly. Smaller remains are usually those of farm kilns, which can be found at the base of hills with roads nearby, while larger remains oriented with a square stone base and occasional steel shells surrounding the base are commercial kilns, and usually placed near railroads. Commercial kiln locations can be found on historical maps from the nineteenth and early twentieth century<ref>McVarish 2008, 265</ref>.

==Kilns vs. Pits==
The use of the charcoal kiln had several advantages over the pit. Kilns were more expensive to manufacture, yet saved money in the long run—1.5 cents per bushel to be exact<ref>Straka 2014, 110</ref>. Kilns were also able to produce more yield than pits, and the charcoal that was made was cleaner and fresher, as it was not in contact with the forest floor. Kilns were also conveniently able to be placed where they could be watched with more ease, as opposed to a pit, where colliers had to spend months in isolation. Kilns also reduced overall labor, as the covering was permanent, whereas the pit had to be covered manually each round. Transportation costs and damage to the charcoal also decreased with kiln use, which made it all the more popular<ref>Straka 2014, 110</ref>. Charcoal kilns had the ability to produce 45 to 50 bushels of charcoal per wood cord<ref>McVarish 2008, 262</ref>.

The first charcoal kilns were made of brick or stone foundation and rectangular or round in shape; Typically 45 to 50 feet long and 12 to 15 feet high and wide. On average, onee kiln could fit 55 to 70 cords of wood, yielding 45 to 50 bushels of charcoal per cord of wood. Rounder kiln shapes were common in New England while rectangular shapes were more common in the south<ref>McVarish 2008, 259</ref>. Round New England kilns were typically 8 to 30 feet in diameter and 12 to 16 feet high with either vertical or battered walls. Additionally, round kilns had ankles, knee, and waist vents. By the late 1870’s conical kilns were replacing circular kilns. It is important to note that there are also kilns used to create limestone. The structure and function of limestone kilns are slightly different.

Limestone kilns were documented to have been found in Rhode Island and were 16 feet in diameter at the top, 13 feet in diameter at the center, and 10 feet in diameter at the bottom. These intermittent kilns that were small and operated by local farmers often produced irregular quality products.

==Notes==
<references />

==References==

*McVarish, Douglas C. 2008. ''American Industrial Archaeology: A Field Guide.'' Walnut Creek, Calif.: Left Coast Press, Inc.

* Straka, T. J. 2014. ''Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters. Advances in Historical Studies,'' 3, 104-114. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2014.32010

Harvesting Wood

2020-09-29T16:13:25Z

DanaGraham: /* Deforestation */

==Wood==
Charcoal production involved extensive woodcutting over broad forest areas, often times whole forests were depleted. Wood must be dry before it could be used for [[charcoal production]] and [[iron production]]. Wood cut in the late autumn and early winter proved to hold the least amount of water. For example, wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January. Wood cut in December and January was more solid and would dry faster<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. If the wood was still moist, a collier would allow the wood to air-dry which was more efficient compared to drying the wood in the charcoal pit<ref>Straka 2014, 107</ref>. Dead or decayed wood was of no use for making charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 83</ref>.

In 1878, 4 cords worth of charcoal proved to provide 1 ton of pig iron <ref>Straka 2010, 60</ref>. Places like Hopewell Furnace would use a 30 year cutting cycle which meant they had to use way more land so that the cut trees had plenty of time to regrow. Around 200 acres would be cut annually at Hopewell and 147,000 acres or 230 square miles of forest were harvested annually nationwide which led to obvious cases of forest depletion. In response to the depletion, furnaces and their employees because very strong supporters of forestry early on because of their need for forests to continue supplying wood <ref>Straka 2010, 60</ref>

The kind of wood has a major impact on the quality of charcoal. Denser types of woods (oak, hickory, chestnut and elm) were preferred to soft woods (gum and poplar) as they produced more heat and were less friable<ref>Straka 2015, 106</ref>. It has been recorded that sometimes a mixture of soft and hard woods would be used to create charcoal<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>. Even the ground condition for the pit plays a role in the carbonization of wood. A perfectly level ground, free from any draft that is dry and solid is optimal charcoal production <ref>Straka 2010, 107</ref>. It was also important that the wood being harvested was in good condition, this meant no decaying, knotted or defects in the wood<ref>Straka 2014, 106-107</ref>. The season in which the wood is gathered and burned is also very important. Charcoal is usually made in the late summer early fall so that the wood from the previous season has time to dry out <ref>Straka 2010, 107</ref>. Even the condition in which the wood is burning can play a part in the quality of charcoal produced. Things like temperature and wind speed can effect the time it takes for a piece of wood to carbonize <ref>Straka 2010, 107</ref>. Optimal size for commercial charcoal is about 25 to 80 mm across the grain<ref>Svedelius 1875</ref>. Most, if not all species of wood can be carbonized to make charcoal.

While some researchers will state furnace production and forest area depletion as a measure of environmental destruction, putting these figures together is not a straightforward process. This is because yields vary by the furnace used, the collier and the types of wood involved. (Stratka)

Skilled colliers could get a higher yield from the wood. (Stratka)

Old growth forests had higher yields, while second gorwth could take up to a century to be able to product that high a yield (Stratka)

Charcoal can give up two times as much heat as wood, and burns more evenly than wood (Stratka).

Heavier wood takes longer to burn for charcoal making. (Stratka)

In the East the hardwood forests usually yielded 30 to 35 cords to an acre, and it took approximately 30 years of growth time to produce the yields. (Stratka)

==Woodcutters==
A cord of wood is four foot lengths of wood stacked four feet high and eight feet long. Woodcutters could cut anywhere from a few cords to more than one thousand cords. Many woodcutters were farmers who supplemented their income in the offseason<ref>Walker 1966, 238</ref>. For example, between 1851-1853 Edwin Gault was paid for 1993.5 cords<ref>Walker 1966, 238</ref>. One must remember, however, that he may have had helpers whom he then paid. Colliers also became woodcutters during the winter months in order to get a full-years wage<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. Payments for cutting wood varied greatly due to location and time<ref>Overman 1854, 84</ref>.

Wood cutters comprised a large proportion of the workers at any charcoal iron furnace. At Hopewell Furnace between 1851-1853, 225 persons were paid for any type of work and 116 were paid for cutting cord wood<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>. At Hopewell, on average approximately two cords of wood could be chopped down in a single day<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Two and a half cords was the average at Hanging Rock District<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>. It was noted, however, that in the Hanging Rock District there worked "...Reuben Beverly, who was reputed to be the champion chopper of this region and who, it is said, could cut, split and rank eight cords per day indefinitely. His name was as familiar throughout the Hanging Rock field as was that of the lad who cut down the cherry tree"<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>. Crandall also indicated that he personally had "known many expert wood choppers who could chop, split and rank from four to five cords a day"<ref>Crandall 1906, 20</ref>.

Woodcutters sometimes delivered the wood to charcoal hearths, called "delivering in the ring". They were paid $1.75 for this wood<ref>Walker 1966, 239</ref>.

==Deforestation==
When studying Charcoal production in the United states it is important to note the detrimental effects it has on the natural landscapes including the forest. Charcoal production created a huge impact on forest depletion, sparking movements across America to find more ethical and less harmful methods of both charcoal production and deforestation. The three main factors of charcoal production that contributed to deforestation were: furnace productivity, charcoal making, and woodland yield. Forest destruction tended to be complete near smelters and furnaces, it was generally localized near the demand for the fuel.<ref>Straka 2014, 105</ref>. The average annual furnace output was 1000 tons of pig iron. Thus, an average iron plantation furnace would require fuel from 150 acres of woodland per year. <ref>Straka 2014, 105</ref>.The woodland area surrounding the furnace was extremely important to feeding the charcoal furnace. <ref>Straka 2014, 110</ref>. Because of the consistent use for the furnaces, regeneration and growth were so slow that wood supplies would likely be depleted after a decade or so of woodcutting<ref>Straka 2014, 111</ref>. The furnaces acknowledged the slow regeneration of wood and as a result many furnaces practiced various forms of conservation and land management as a way of maintaining their source of fuel<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>. Over time iron production became increasingly efficient, ergo more acres of woodland were required to fuel production<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>. Woodlands in the east were typically more plentiful than that in the western United States and they typically took less time to regenerate<ref>Straka 2014, 111</ref>. Calculations of woodland required for production varied based on factors such as location, furnace productivity (pit or kiln), and forest regeneration<ref>Straka 2014, 110-111</ref>. Eastern woodlands typically supplied more wood per acre and regenerated more quickly than their western counterparts<ref>Straka 2014, 111</ref>.

The idea of a sustainable forest came from European forestry. It requires cutting only as much forest so that the same amount can be regrown in a year. This allows a cycle to take place where each year there is the same amount of mature wood available to harvest as is needed. (Stratka)

An example of this is presented by Gordon for an eastern charcoal furnace (1996: p. 40). One furnace would burn 356,000 bushels of charcoal. The associated charcoal pit production took a cord of wood to produce 30 bushels of charcoal, which means one furncae might need 11,900 cords of wood a year. An average woodland produced 20 cords an acre, so this would mean that charcoal pit wood need 600 acres of woodland a year. So every year 600 acres of timber was cut, and then would was allowed to regenrate for the next 20 years. This produced one 600 acre area a year, with 20 different areas maturing at various rates in order to allow the sustainable production of wood. (Gordon 1996 p. 40)

It is important to remember that the productivity of the furnace, the skill of the collier and the yield of various types of trees can all impact the productivity rate of charcoal production.

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
* Crandall, Elias. 1906. ''Reminiscences of the Hanging Rock District (Concluded).'' The Iron Trade Review, July, 19.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. “Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters .” Scientific Research Publishing Inc.: 105. https://muhlenbergcollege.instructure.com/courses/14963/files/836339/download?wrap=1

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. “History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.” Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62. https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf

*Svedelius, G. (1875). Hand-Book for Charcoal Burners. New York: John Wiley & Son

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Field Work 2018

2020-09-29T00:56:42Z

DanaGraham: /* Purpose of the work */

=Purpose of the work=
In the fall of 2018, the Muhlenberg Field Archaeology class studied the Blue Mountain land that was used for charcoal and iron production. The class conducted some surveys and a small excavation of a colliers hut, utilizing several different methods including examination of LiDAR maps, pedestrian survey, shovel test pits, and metal detecting.

Possible charcoal pits were identified using LiDAR (Light Detection and Ranging) (Carter and Backenstoss 2017, Carter 2019a, 2019b). On LiDAR data, the charcoal pits appear as flattened ovals on sloped terrain due to the clearing and leveling of the site in order to make charcoal.

The purpose of this research was to introduce students to survey methods and orient them to the landscape. The second was to investigate the three collier’s huts on the side of the mountain through excavation<ref>Carter 2019, 35</ref>. An in depth investigation of the Collier's huts provides us with a deeper understanding of the charcoal industry and its impact on the environment and forestry, and a better picture of the lives of the Colliers. Through the field work, four new collier’s huts were identified in the field and three more potential ones were noted. The confirmed identification of four more collier’s huts however, increases the total confirmed huts to eleven.

=Plan=
The plan of field work was to utilize several different methods of examination including the use of LiDAR maps, pedestrian survey, shovel test pits, and metal detecting<ref>Carter 2019, 31</ref>. Once the collier huts were identified, the area planned to be excavated would be in the “back” of the hut<ref>Carter 2019, 41</ref>. Charcoal pits were first identified by LiDAR, a form of remote sensing that measures the height of the land surface and vegetation across an area using a plane containing a combination of GPS, sensors/lasers, and an IMU (inertial measurement unit)<ref>Carter 2019, 31</ref>. On LiDAR data, the charcoal pits appear as “eyes” or flattened ovals on sloped terrain due to the clearing and leveling of the site to make charcoal<ref>Carter 2019, 32</ref>. The charcoal pits are easy to locate because they are perfectly level and 10 to 15 meters apart<ref>Carter 2019, 32</ref>. By combining the Digital Elevation Model with the LiDAR data a more complete hill shade and slope analysis that revealed charcoal pits in greater detail and identified more pits than the initial LiDAR data<ref>Carter 2019, 32</ref>. Iron Furnaces were located by utilizing a combination of historic and modern maps<ref>Carter 2019, 33</ref>. Both the Lehigh and East Penn Furnace were located<ref>Carter 2019, 33-35</ref>.

=Fieldwork=

On the first day, an area was identified which served as a good space to conduct a systematic survey. Unfortunately this did not happen because upon arrival it was discovered that the area hadn't been cut for quite some time resulting in impenetrable growth. Due to this, a trip was taken to some hearths in the surrounding area that were identified on the LiDAR but had not yet been looked at in person<ref>Carter 2019, 36</ref>. Investigating the anomalies proved very helpful because it resulted in locating collier huts. Thanks to this they were able to recognize the "LiDAR signatures" for collier huts which makes identifying future huts much easier<ref> Carter 2019, 36</ref>.

Tools used during the excavation process included trowels, brushes, scoops, clippers (for roots) and mattocks( the later being particularly important in the upper soil<ref>Carter 2019, 42</ref>. Soil levels were excavated in c. 10 cm arbitrary levels and all soil was screened with ⅛ and ¼ inch screen. Soil was frequently damp and difficult to pass through the ⅛ inch screen hands (gloved) and trowels were used to push the soil into the screens<ref>Carter 2019, 42</ref>.

On the second day (9/23/2018), we headed for collier huts 6, 13 and 14 and associated charcoal hearths (1292). Dr. Carter had discovered collier’s hut #6 when confirming charcoal hearths in the surrounding area on 6/29/2018. However, on 9/19/2018, Kenney and Dr.Carter spent 1⁄2 day on the mountain. The goal was to set up the high resolution GPS. While doing this, however, it was discovered that not only was there one single collier’s hut (#6), but a total of three (the other two are #13 and #14). To have three collier’s huts in such close proximity to each other is unusual. This is also unusual because all other collier’s huts have been located on the flat top of the mountain, not on the slope, like 6, 13 and 14<ref>Carter 2019, 37</ref>.

Associate Professor of Anthropology at Muhlenberg College Benjamin Carter led a team of students for an archeological investigation in State Game Lands #217 in the Fall of 2018 to investigate the presence of Collier’s huts related to the Charcoal Hearths that operated in the area in the early to mid 1800s, before they were eventually replaced by coal furnaces in the late 1800s. (Source: Charcoal Lands: A report on archaeological investigations in State Games Lands #217, Fall 2018 Directed by Benjamin Carter, Associate Professor of Anthropology, Muhlenberg College, Written collaboratively by Benjamin Carter, Michaela Feinberg, Deborah Greider and Stuart Hanford, Submitted, September 24, 2019, Submitted to: Kevin Clouser, Manager, Pennsylvania State Game Lands #217, Mark Shaffer and Douglas McLearen, Pennsylvania Historic and Museum Commission)

The team decided to investigate 3 Collier’s huts on the side of a mountain using excavation.

It was unusual for 3 collier’s huts to be so close together and not on flat land.

They initially used mud maps to mark the location.

The team chose the hut location to excavate based on the one with the least vegetation. As they excavated, the team moved the displaced branches, plants, etc. uphill 15m to a location they believed did not contain any cultural remains<ref> Carter 2019, 39</ref>.

They decided to excavate the “berm” area that would have been opposite the door opening. The team thought this might provide evidence of berm wall, post holes or trench. They used trowels, brushes, scoops, clippers for the roots and mattocks and excavated at 10cm levels. They used 1/8” and ¼” screens to sift the soil, but the soil was damp and had many small rocks so it was difficult to screen the soil.

No artifacts were actually found, but the team does believe they identified several other possible collier hut sites. A total of 206 points was collected which allowed the team to put together a Digital Elevation Model (DEM).

The team believes the collier huts were located in this area on a slope because there was originally a road nearby that was used to move charcoal down the mountain.

=Results=
Although excavation was extremely slow and artifacts were not recovered, important results were achieved from the work. Four new collier’s huts were identified in the field (8, 9, 13, and 14) and three more potential (10, 11, 12). Of the later three, 12 was later visited by Carter and determined to not be a collier’s hut<ref>Carter 2019, 43</ref>. In addition to identifying multiple collier's huts, collier’s huts 6, 13 and 14 along with charcoal hearth 1292 and the nearby historic road/path were mapped<ref>Carter 2019, 43</ref>. From this a total of 206 points were collected and a digital elevation model (DEM) was constructed and this allows the contours of both the charcoal hearths and huts to be visible on the DEM<ref>Carter 2019, 43</ref>,.
The archaeological work completed in this project contributes an improved understanding of the distribution of charcoal hearths, colliers huts, and roads. This helps us better understand the place in which the industry thrived as well as how the colliers utilized the landscape<ref>Carter 2019, 48-49</ref>.
==Notes==
<references />
==References==
*Carter, Benjamin. 2019. ''Charcoal Lands: A report on archaeological investigations in State Games Lands #217 Fall 2018.'' Allentown, PA: Muhlenberg College.

Colliers

2020-09-12T18:49:27Z

DanaGraham: /* Collier Homes and Villages */

=Collier Life=
Historically, the collier profession was not one for the faint of heart, as great skill was required in order to successfully maintain multiple charcoal hearths at one time for months on end<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. Living alone, or occasionally with a son or apprentice, in a small [[Collier huts| collier hut]], colliers could not afford to lose concentration for even one moment, as the slightest wayward breeze or hole in the charcoal hearth could cause irreparable damage to the charcoal. However there were exceptions to this, and some colliers lived near the furnaces in more permanent housing<ref>Walker 1966,238</ref>, sometimes with the accompaniment of their families <ref>Walker 1966, 109</ref>. The Furnace management had to make certain that living quarters were available to all of their workmen. Some workers lived in homes they owned, others rented houses from the Furnace or local landlords. Rent for Furnace houses was usually from $12 to $25 per year. <ref>Walker 1966, 99</ref>. One such example of this can be identified in the 1860 census where John Bachman, a forty year old collier, was listed as living with his wife and eleven children, ages four months through nineteen years<ref>United States Census, 1860</ref>. More information on John Bachman can be found on the [[Lives of Workers]] page. Another notable collier in the area was [[Joseph Johns (1794-1906)]]. The collier's responsibilities did not begin until the wood had been sledded in from the wood chopper's ranks to the hearth and there set on end until the entire surface was filled.The collier was a very important workman, controlling to some degree the quality and quantity of the furnace product. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>.

The quality of charcoal was important to colliers' livelihood as high quality charcoal, charcoal that was strong, compact and heavy<ref> Walker 1966,240</ref>, fetched higher prices<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>. The collier profession required almost constant twenty-four-hour surveillance of the hearths [https://www.nps.gov/media/video/view.htm?id=FB3FA03A-1DD8-B71C-071149ADB08DBD2E]. A dangerous role a collier may have needed to perform was called "jumping the pit." This crucial job required a collier to climb onto the hearth and place more wood into any "soft spots" in the pile<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. If anything went awry, the collier risked falling into the smoldering charcoal fire<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. While making charcoal, colliers lived in the woods in roughly constructed [[collier huts]]<ref>Walker 1966, 242</ref>. During the winter months, colliers became woodcutters in order to get a full-years wage, as the ideal season for charcoal production was during the warmer months of the year<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. During the winter, the collier would cut billets and lapwood in preparation for the summer. They also used their time in the winter months to create baskets that were woven with thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. These baskets were then used for carrying leaves and anywhere from 2-½ to 3 bushels of charcoal<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Woodcutters were paid by the cord; some would try to deceive the system and loosely pile their billets or stack them over stumps to falsely increase the volume<ref> Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Often, the colliers lived at the site of production for months at a time, from late May to October. During the summer they lived in crude wood huts in areas with many insects. A master collier and one or two helpers "coaled" together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. This is probably why they wore long sleeves and pants, so as to protect them from the already volatile elements. Colliers bought relatively little food from the company store, leading to reason they must have raised much of what they ate. There were records of sales of melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage. Corn meal was a regular item of store purchase before 1808 and seldom appeared after that. Rye and wheat flour were the more common bases for baked items in later years. Sugar, tea, coffee, chocolate, salt, pepper and spices were kept in regular stock at the store. Preserving of meat was a problem for colliers before freezing was available<ref>Walker 1966, 111</ref>. Master Colliers had 1 or 2 helpers that coaled together, working as many as 9 pits at the same time <ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>

He first cleared his hearth of all vegetation which had grown there since the last time the tract had been coaled—possibly 30 years before—and raked out all the old dust to its edges. The next move was to locate the center of the hearth and to throw back enough of the lap-wood to enable him to get down to the surface<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>

The Collier would make a ladder by notching an 8 inch log that was long enough to reach from the ground to the head. (pg. 16, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)Another tool used by the Collier was a crude wooden rake, made of six or seven 6-inch teeth placed about 2 inches apart in a small head, which was used to gather up the leaves on the forest floor. • After the leaves were raked, they were collected into the Collier's handmade basket so the could be scattered on the pit. These baskets were made by the Collier during the winter months by weaving together thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. Each one held about 2 1/2 to 3 bushels of charcoal. (P. 16, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace) A long handled Collier's shovel was used to spread the dust on the pit. With just a small twist of the wrist while using the shovel spread the dust evenly to make sure all parts of the pit were covered. (pg. 18, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace) Charcoal wagons were used to transport the charcoal. These wagons held between 100 to 300 bushels of coal, and were drawn by 6-mule teams and had high sideboards and a bottom that pulled out.

==Collier Pay==
Colliers were paid for their charring approximately $1.12-$1.25 per one hundred bushels of charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 117</ref>. According to Walker<ref> Walker 1966, 261</ref>, colliers at Hopewell Furnace (Birdsboro, PA) made a monthly pay between $8.62-$20.62 in 1805-1807, $16.00-$23.00 in 1818-1820, $13.50-$18.00 in 1825-1827 and 1835-1837 and $17.50-$24.00 in 1851-1853. In order to better understand how much this is worth, we can convert this to modern amounts using Measuring Worth<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref>. For example, if we just adjust for inflation, $8.62 in 1805 is equivalent to $194.00 today (2019). That is an incomplete picture, however, because it does not take into account economic growth. "Relative labor earnings" is a better measure because it compares the wage to the average wage from the two time periods<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/#measures</ref>. Using this measure,<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref> $8.62 in 1805 would be more like getting paid between $3,110.00 (unskilled labor) to $5,940.00 (skilled labor) today (2019). Similarly, $17.50 in 1835 would have a "relative labor earnings" value of $5,170.00 (unskilled) and $10,500.00 (skilled). This suggests that, relative to today, colliers were relatively well paid. Indeed, at the Dale Furnace in 1799, only the Manager of the Furnace was paid more per month (9 pounds, 7 shillings and 6 pence or approximately $300.00/ year)than the "coaler" or collier (8 pounds). Even the furnace keeper, the individual responsible for the operation of the furnace, earned less than the colliers<ref> Gemmell 1949, 91</ref>. This is not quite as true between 1836-40 at the Hampton Furnace (Hereford Township, PA), when the colliers earned $17.50 compared to $25.00 for the keeper<ref> Gemmell 1949, 95</ref>. Cuts were made from the Colliers pay if the load was to small and/or the sticks weren't thoroughly charred <ref> Walker 1966 </ref>. The collier was a very important person in the iron making process, since he was the one who controlled the quality of the charcoal used for firing the furnace (pg. 240, Walker, Hopewell Village) The work was time consuming and required a lot of physical labor, and many of the Collier's originally came looking to make money by finding iron ore to make into iron. (pg. 2, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace) • During the coaling the pits could not be neglected, so the collier was on constant duty, only eating or sleeping when the work allowed him to. (pg. 245, Walker, Hopewell)

==Collier Homes and Villages==
When speaking about the Hopewell Village in Pennsylvania the charcoal furnace workers typically lived in special villages that were designed to accommodate both single and married workers and that were located far from surrounding towns, so as to be closer to their work. While these villages provided many workers with the necessary resources to survive, they were too remote for other workers to live in. Some single men rented houses or boarded in mansions in which they hired a woman to take care of them. For example, furnace employees were needed near the furnace while others were needed at the coaling pits that were located far away from the villages: Meaning that instead of living in the villages, many colliers worked closer to their specific area of work. The house nearest the furnace is called for identification purposes by the National Park Service Tenant House Number 1. <ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref> Each apartment has a front and a rear door, two rooms on the first floor, two on the second and one on the third. Each side also has its stairway near the center of the house from the cellar to the third floor and a chimney serving a first floor fireplace. It is believed that some of the tenants' houses had yards surrounded by picket fences that served as an area to grow vegetables and keep pigs and cows.

It was recorded that the small stores in the villages only sold melons, potatoes, turnips, tur- keys, much pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage, meaning that the families probably raised the rest of what they ate. Additionally, the rent for houses was between $12 to $25 per year while others were as high as $45 per year. Housing at the Hopewell furnace varied widely from the “luxury of the ironmaster's mansion” to the “makeshift accommodations of John Roberts in the brick kiln.” All in all there has been no evidence of terribly poor conditions despite the variety. <ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
*''Agriculture and Rural economy – Charcoal → .'' 2010. The Encyclopedia of Diderot & d'Alembert Collaborative Translation Project. Ann Arbor: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library. [http://hdl.handle.net/2027/spo.did2222.0001.346]. Originally published as "Agriculture et économie rustique – Charbon de bois," Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, vol. 1 (plates) (Paris, 1762).

*Gemmell, Alfred. 1949. ''The Charcoal Iron Industry in the Perkiomen Valley.'' Norristown, PA.: Hartenstine Printing House.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*MeasuringWorth Foundation. 2020. ''Measuring Worth- Relative Worth Comparators and Data Sets''. [https://www.measuringworth.com/index.php . Accessed April 24, 2020]

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. [https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1]

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. ''History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.'' Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62.[https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf]

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. ''Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters.'' Advances in Historical Studies: 104-114.[http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2014.32010]

*Svedelius, G., Joseph Leonard W. Nicodemus, and Björn R. Anderson. 1875. ''Hand-book for Charcoal Burners.'' New York: Wiley. [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc2.ark:/13960/t7dr2qz7d&view=1up&seq=166]

*''United States Census, 1860,'' database with images, FamilySearch [https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33S7-9BSD-C5Y?cc=1473181&wc=7QL9-Y6C%3A1589434177%2C1589434982%2C1589435676] : 24 March 2017, Pennsylvania > Carbon > East Penn Township > image 2 of 22; from "1860 U.S. Federal Census - Population," database, Fold3.com (http://www.fold3.com : n.d.); citing NARA microfilm publication M653 (Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.).

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Colliers

2020-09-12T18:48:51Z

DanaGraham: /* Collier Homes and Villages */

=Collier Life=
Historically, the collier profession was not one for the faint of heart, as great skill was required in order to successfully maintain multiple charcoal hearths at one time for months on end<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. Living alone, or occasionally with a son or apprentice, in a small [[Collier huts| collier hut]], colliers could not afford to lose concentration for even one moment, as the slightest wayward breeze or hole in the charcoal hearth could cause irreparable damage to the charcoal. However there were exceptions to this, and some colliers lived near the furnaces in more permanent housing<ref>Walker 1966,238</ref>, sometimes with the accompaniment of their families <ref>Walker 1966, 109</ref>. The Furnace management had to make certain that living quarters were available to all of their workmen. Some workers lived in homes they owned, others rented houses from the Furnace or local landlords. Rent for Furnace houses was usually from $12 to $25 per year. <ref>Walker 1966, 99</ref>. One such example of this can be identified in the 1860 census where John Bachman, a forty year old collier, was listed as living with his wife and eleven children, ages four months through nineteen years<ref>United States Census, 1860</ref>. More information on John Bachman can be found on the [[Lives of Workers]] page. Another notable collier in the area was [[Joseph Johns (1794-1906)]]. The collier's responsibilities did not begin until the wood had been sledded in from the wood chopper's ranks to the hearth and there set on end until the entire surface was filled.The collier was a very important workman, controlling to some degree the quality and quantity of the furnace product. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>.

The quality of charcoal was important to colliers' livelihood as high quality charcoal, charcoal that was strong, compact and heavy<ref> Walker 1966,240</ref>, fetched higher prices<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>. The collier profession required almost constant twenty-four-hour surveillance of the hearths [https://www.nps.gov/media/video/view.htm?id=FB3FA03A-1DD8-B71C-071149ADB08DBD2E]. A dangerous role a collier may have needed to perform was called "jumping the pit." This crucial job required a collier to climb onto the hearth and place more wood into any "soft spots" in the pile<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. If anything went awry, the collier risked falling into the smoldering charcoal fire<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. While making charcoal, colliers lived in the woods in roughly constructed [[collier huts]]<ref>Walker 1966, 242</ref>. During the winter months, colliers became woodcutters in order to get a full-years wage, as the ideal season for charcoal production was during the warmer months of the year<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. During the winter, the collier would cut billets and lapwood in preparation for the summer. They also used their time in the winter months to create baskets that were woven with thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. These baskets were then used for carrying leaves and anywhere from 2-½ to 3 bushels of charcoal<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Woodcutters were paid by the cord; some would try to deceive the system and loosely pile their billets or stack them over stumps to falsely increase the volume<ref> Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Often, the colliers lived at the site of production for months at a time, from late May to October. During the summer they lived in crude wood huts in areas with many insects. A master collier and one or two helpers "coaled" together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. This is probably why they wore long sleeves and pants, so as to protect them from the already volatile elements. Colliers bought relatively little food from the company store, leading to reason they must have raised much of what they ate. There were records of sales of melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage. Corn meal was a regular item of store purchase before 1808 and seldom appeared after that. Rye and wheat flour were the more common bases for baked items in later years. Sugar, tea, coffee, chocolate, salt, pepper and spices were kept in regular stock at the store. Preserving of meat was a problem for colliers before freezing was available<ref>Walker 1966, 111</ref>. Master Colliers had 1 or 2 helpers that coaled together, working as many as 9 pits at the same time <ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>

He first cleared his hearth of all vegetation which had grown there since the last time the tract had been coaled—possibly 30 years before—and raked out all the old dust to its edges. The next move was to locate the center of the hearth and to throw back enough of the lap-wood to enable him to get down to the surface<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>

The Collier would make a ladder by notching an 8 inch log that was long enough to reach from the ground to the head. (pg. 16, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)Another tool used by the Collier was a crude wooden rake, made of six or seven 6-inch teeth placed about 2 inches apart in a small head, which was used to gather up the leaves on the forest floor. • After the leaves were raked, they were collected into the Collier's handmade basket so the could be scattered on the pit. These baskets were made by the Collier during the winter months by weaving together thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. Each one held about 2 1/2 to 3 bushels of charcoal. (P. 16, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace) A long handled Collier's shovel was used to spread the dust on the pit. With just a small twist of the wrist while using the shovel spread the dust evenly to make sure all parts of the pit were covered. (pg. 18, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace) Charcoal wagons were used to transport the charcoal. These wagons held between 100 to 300 bushels of coal, and were drawn by 6-mule teams and had high sideboards and a bottom that pulled out.

==Collier Pay==
Colliers were paid for their charring approximately $1.12-$1.25 per one hundred bushels of charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 117</ref>. According to Walker<ref> Walker 1966, 261</ref>, colliers at Hopewell Furnace (Birdsboro, PA) made a monthly pay between $8.62-$20.62 in 1805-1807, $16.00-$23.00 in 1818-1820, $13.50-$18.00 in 1825-1827 and 1835-1837 and $17.50-$24.00 in 1851-1853. In order to better understand how much this is worth, we can convert this to modern amounts using Measuring Worth<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref>. For example, if we just adjust for inflation, $8.62 in 1805 is equivalent to $194.00 today (2019). That is an incomplete picture, however, because it does not take into account economic growth. "Relative labor earnings" is a better measure because it compares the wage to the average wage from the two time periods<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/#measures</ref>. Using this measure,<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref> $8.62 in 1805 would be more like getting paid between $3,110.00 (unskilled labor) to $5,940.00 (skilled labor) today (2019). Similarly, $17.50 in 1835 would have a "relative labor earnings" value of $5,170.00 (unskilled) and $10,500.00 (skilled). This suggests that, relative to today, colliers were relatively well paid. Indeed, at the Dale Furnace in 1799, only the Manager of the Furnace was paid more per month (9 pounds, 7 shillings and 6 pence or approximately $300.00/ year)than the "coaler" or collier (8 pounds). Even the furnace keeper, the individual responsible for the operation of the furnace, earned less than the colliers<ref> Gemmell 1949, 91</ref>. This is not quite as true between 1836-40 at the Hampton Furnace (Hereford Township, PA), when the colliers earned $17.50 compared to $25.00 for the keeper<ref> Gemmell 1949, 95</ref>. Cuts were made from the Colliers pay if the load was to small and/or the sticks weren't thoroughly charred <ref> Walker 1966 </ref>. The collier was a very important person in the iron making process, since he was the one who controlled the quality of the charcoal used for firing the furnace (pg. 240, Walker, Hopewell Village) The work was time consuming and required a lot of physical labor, and many of the Collier's originally came looking to make money by finding iron ore to make into iron. (pg. 2, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace) • During the coaling the pits could not be neglected, so the collier was on constant duty, only eating or sleeping when the work allowed him to. (pg. 245, Walker, Hopewell)

==Collier Homes and Villages==
When speaking about the Hopewell Village in Pennsylvania the charcoal furnace workers typically lived in special villages that were designed to accommodate both single and married workers and that were located far from surrounding towns, so as to be closer to their work. While these villages provided many workers with the necessary resources to survive, they were too remote for other workers to live in. Some single men rented houses or boarded in mansions in which they hired a woman to take care of them. For example, furnace employees were needed near the furnace while others were needed at the coaling pits that were located far away from the villages: Meaning that instead of living in the villages, many colliers worked closer to their specific area of work. The house nearest the furnace is called for identification purposes by the National Park Service Tenant House Number 1. <ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref> Each apartment has a front and a rear door, two rooms on the first floor, two on the second and one on the third. Each side also has its stairway near the center of the house from the cellar to the third floor and a chimney serving a first floor fireplace. It is believed that some of the tenants' houses had yards surrounded by picket fences that served as an area to grow vegetables and keep pigs and cows.

It was recorded that the small stores in the villages only sold melons, potatoes, turnips, tur- keys, much pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage, meaning that the families probably raised the rest of what they ate. Additionally, the rent for houses was between $12 to $25 per year while others were as high as $45 per year. Housing at the Hopewell furnace varied widely from the “luxury of the ironmaster's mansion” to the “makeshift accommodations of John Roberts in the brick kiln.” All in all there has been no evidence of terribly poor conditions despite the variety.<ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
*''Agriculture and Rural economy – Charcoal → .'' 2010. The Encyclopedia of Diderot & d'Alembert Collaborative Translation Project. Ann Arbor: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library. [http://hdl.handle.net/2027/spo.did2222.0001.346]. Originally published as "Agriculture et économie rustique – Charbon de bois," Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, vol. 1 (plates) (Paris, 1762).

*Gemmell, Alfred. 1949. ''The Charcoal Iron Industry in the Perkiomen Valley.'' Norristown, PA.: Hartenstine Printing House.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*MeasuringWorth Foundation. 2020. ''Measuring Worth- Relative Worth Comparators and Data Sets''. [https://www.measuringworth.com/index.php . Accessed April 24, 2020]

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. [https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1]

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. ''History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.'' Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62.[https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf]

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. ''Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters.'' Advances in Historical Studies: 104-114.[http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2014.32010]

*Svedelius, G., Joseph Leonard W. Nicodemus, and Björn R. Anderson. 1875. ''Hand-book for Charcoal Burners.'' New York: Wiley. [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc2.ark:/13960/t7dr2qz7d&view=1up&seq=166]

*''United States Census, 1860,'' database with images, FamilySearch [https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33S7-9BSD-C5Y?cc=1473181&wc=7QL9-Y6C%3A1589434177%2C1589434982%2C1589435676] : 24 March 2017, Pennsylvania > Carbon > East Penn Township > image 2 of 22; from "1860 U.S. Federal Census - Population," database, Fold3.com (http://www.fold3.com : n.d.); citing NARA microfilm publication M653 (Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.).

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Colliers

2020-09-12T18:48:20Z

DanaGraham: /* Collier Life */

=Collier Life=
Historically, the collier profession was not one for the faint of heart, as great skill was required in order to successfully maintain multiple charcoal hearths at one time for months on end<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. Living alone, or occasionally with a son or apprentice, in a small [[Collier huts| collier hut]], colliers could not afford to lose concentration for even one moment, as the slightest wayward breeze or hole in the charcoal hearth could cause irreparable damage to the charcoal. However there were exceptions to this, and some colliers lived near the furnaces in more permanent housing<ref>Walker 1966,238</ref>, sometimes with the accompaniment of their families <ref>Walker 1966, 109</ref>. The Furnace management had to make certain that living quarters were available to all of their workmen. Some workers lived in homes they owned, others rented houses from the Furnace or local landlords. Rent for Furnace houses was usually from $12 to $25 per year. <ref>Walker 1966, 99</ref>. One such example of this can be identified in the 1860 census where John Bachman, a forty year old collier, was listed as living with his wife and eleven children, ages four months through nineteen years<ref>United States Census, 1860</ref>. More information on John Bachman can be found on the [[Lives of Workers]] page. Another notable collier in the area was [[Joseph Johns (1794-1906)]]. The collier's responsibilities did not begin until the wood had been sledded in from the wood chopper's ranks to the hearth and there set on end until the entire surface was filled.The collier was a very important workman, controlling to some degree the quality and quantity of the furnace product. <ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>.

The quality of charcoal was important to colliers' livelihood as high quality charcoal, charcoal that was strong, compact and heavy<ref> Walker 1966,240</ref>, fetched higher prices<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>. The collier profession required almost constant twenty-four-hour surveillance of the hearths [https://www.nps.gov/media/video/view.htm?id=FB3FA03A-1DD8-B71C-071149ADB08DBD2E]. A dangerous role a collier may have needed to perform was called "jumping the pit." This crucial job required a collier to climb onto the hearth and place more wood into any "soft spots" in the pile<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. If anything went awry, the collier risked falling into the smoldering charcoal fire<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>. While making charcoal, colliers lived in the woods in roughly constructed [[collier huts]]<ref>Walker 1966, 242</ref>. During the winter months, colliers became woodcutters in order to get a full-years wage, as the ideal season for charcoal production was during the warmer months of the year<ref>Kemper 1941, 10</ref>. During the winter, the collier would cut billets and lapwood in preparation for the summer. They also used their time in the winter months to create baskets that were woven with thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. These baskets were then used for carrying leaves and anywhere from 2-½ to 3 bushels of charcoal<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Wood cut in April would typically contain 10 to 20 percent more water than wood that was cut in January<ref>Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Woodcutters were paid by the cord; some would try to deceive the system and loosely pile their billets or stack them over stumps to falsely increase the volume<ref> Walker 1966, 239</ref>. Often, the colliers lived at the site of production for months at a time, from late May to October. During the summer they lived in crude wood huts in areas with many insects. A master collier and one or two helpers "coaled" together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. This is probably why they wore long sleeves and pants, so as to protect them from the already volatile elements. Colliers bought relatively little food from the company store, leading to reason they must have raised much of what they ate. There were records of sales of melons, potatoes, turnips, turkeys, pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage. Corn meal was a regular item of store purchase before 1808 and seldom appeared after that. Rye and wheat flour were the more common bases for baked items in later years. Sugar, tea, coffee, chocolate, salt, pepper and spices were kept in regular stock at the store. Preserving of meat was a problem for colliers before freezing was available<ref>Walker 1966, 111</ref>. Master Colliers had 1 or 2 helpers that coaled together, working as many as 9 pits at the same time <ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>

He first cleared his hearth of all vegetation which had grown there since the last time the tract had been coaled—possibly 30 years before—and raked out all the old dust to its edges. The next move was to locate the center of the hearth and to throw back enough of the lap-wood to enable him to get down to the surface<ref> Kemper 1941 </ref>

The Collier would make a ladder by notching an 8 inch log that was long enough to reach from the ground to the head. (pg. 16, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)Another tool used by the Collier was a crude wooden rake, made of six or seven 6-inch teeth placed about 2 inches apart in a small head, which was used to gather up the leaves on the forest floor. • After the leaves were raked, they were collected into the Collier's handmade basket so the could be scattered on the pit. These baskets were made by the Collier during the winter months by weaving together thin strips of lath or reeds around an oval hoop. Each one held about 2 1/2 to 3 bushels of charcoal. (P. 16, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace) A long handled Collier's shovel was used to spread the dust on the pit. With just a small twist of the wrist while using the shovel spread the dust evenly to make sure all parts of the pit were covered. (pg. 18, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace) Charcoal wagons were used to transport the charcoal. These wagons held between 100 to 300 bushels of coal, and were drawn by 6-mule teams and had high sideboards and a bottom that pulled out.

==Collier Pay==
Colliers were paid for their charring approximately $1.12-$1.25 per one hundred bushels of charcoal<ref>Overman 1854, 117</ref>. According to Walker<ref> Walker 1966, 261</ref>, colliers at Hopewell Furnace (Birdsboro, PA) made a monthly pay between $8.62-$20.62 in 1805-1807, $16.00-$23.00 in 1818-1820, $13.50-$18.00 in 1825-1827 and 1835-1837 and $17.50-$24.00 in 1851-1853. In order to better understand how much this is worth, we can convert this to modern amounts using Measuring Worth<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref>. For example, if we just adjust for inflation, $8.62 in 1805 is equivalent to $194.00 today (2019). That is an incomplete picture, however, because it does not take into account economic growth. "Relative labor earnings" is a better measure because it compares the wage to the average wage from the two time periods<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/#measures</ref>. Using this measure,<ref> https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/uscompare/relativevalue.php</ref> $8.62 in 1805 would be more like getting paid between $3,110.00 (unskilled labor) to $5,940.00 (skilled labor) today (2019). Similarly, $17.50 in 1835 would have a "relative labor earnings" value of $5,170.00 (unskilled) and $10,500.00 (skilled). This suggests that, relative to today, colliers were relatively well paid. Indeed, at the Dale Furnace in 1799, only the Manager of the Furnace was paid more per month (9 pounds, 7 shillings and 6 pence or approximately $300.00/ year)than the "coaler" or collier (8 pounds). Even the furnace keeper, the individual responsible for the operation of the furnace, earned less than the colliers<ref> Gemmell 1949, 91</ref>. This is not quite as true between 1836-40 at the Hampton Furnace (Hereford Township, PA), when the colliers earned $17.50 compared to $25.00 for the keeper<ref> Gemmell 1949, 95</ref>. Cuts were made from the Colliers pay if the load was to small and/or the sticks weren't thoroughly charred <ref> Walker 1966 </ref>. The collier was a very important person in the iron making process, since he was the one who controlled the quality of the charcoal used for firing the furnace (pg. 240, Walker, Hopewell Village) The work was time consuming and required a lot of physical labor, and many of the Collier's originally came looking to make money by finding iron ore to make into iron. (pg. 2, Kemper, Jackson American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace) • During the coaling the pits could not be neglected, so the collier was on constant duty, only eating or sleeping when the work allowed him to. (pg. 245, Walker, Hopewell)

==Collier Homes and Villages==
When speaking about the Hopewell Village in Pennsylvania the charcoal furnace workers typically lived in special villages that were designed to accommodate both single and married workers and that were located far from surrounding towns, so as to be closer to their work. While these villages provided many workers with the necessary resources to survive, they were too remote for other workers to live in. Some single men rented houses or boarded in mansions in which they hired a woman to take care of them. For example, furnace employees were needed near the furnace while others were needed at the coaling pits that were located far away from the villages: Meaning that instead of living in the villages, many colliers worked closer to their specific area of work. The house nearest the furnace is called for identification purposes by the National Park Service Tenant House Number 1. <ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref> Each apartment has a front and a rear door, two rooms on the first floor, two on the second and one on the third. Each side also has its stairway near the center of the house from the cellar to the third floor and a chimney serving a first floor fireplace. It is believed that some of the tenants' houses had yards surrounded by picket fences that served as an area to grow vegetables and keep pigs and cows.

It was recorded that the small stores in the villages only sold melons, potatoes, turnips, tur- keys, much pork, veal and beef and a little mutton; shad, herring and mackerel; pickles, peaches, sweet potatoes, beans, cherries and cabbage, meaning that the families probably raised the rest of what they ate. Additionally, the rent for houses was between $12 to $25 per year while others were as high as $45 per year. Housing at the Hopewell furnace varied widely from the “luxury of the ironmaster's mansion” to the “makeshift accommodations of John Roberts in the brick kiln.” All in all there has been no evidence of terribly poor conditions despite the variety.<ref>Hopewell Village: a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community, by Joseph E. Walker, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966, pp. 99–272.<ref>

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
*''Agriculture and Rural economy – Charcoal → .'' 2010. The Encyclopedia of Diderot & d'Alembert Collaborative Translation Project. Ann Arbor: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library. [http://hdl.handle.net/2027/spo.did2222.0001.346]. Originally published as "Agriculture et économie rustique – Charbon de bois," Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, vol. 1 (plates) (Paris, 1762).

*Gemmell, Alfred. 1949. ''The Charcoal Iron Industry in the Perkiomen Valley.'' Norristown, PA.: Hartenstine Printing House.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*MeasuringWorth Foundation. 2020. ''Measuring Worth- Relative Worth Comparators and Data Sets''. [https://www.measuringworth.com/index.php . Accessed April 24, 2020]

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. [https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1]

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. ''History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.'' Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62.[https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf]

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. ''Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters.'' Advances in Historical Studies: 104-114.[http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2014.32010]

*Svedelius, G., Joseph Leonard W. Nicodemus, and Björn R. Anderson. 1875. ''Hand-book for Charcoal Burners.'' New York: Wiley. [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc2.ark:/13960/t7dr2qz7d&view=1up&seq=166]

*''United States Census, 1860,'' database with images, FamilySearch [https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33S7-9BSD-C5Y?cc=1473181&wc=7QL9-Y6C%3A1589434177%2C1589434982%2C1589435676] : 24 March 2017, Pennsylvania > Carbon > East Penn Township > image 2 of 22; from "1860 U.S. Federal Census - Population," database, Fold3.com (http://www.fold3.com : n.d.); citing NARA microfilm publication M653 (Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.).

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

Colliers

2020-09-08T14:30:16Z

DanaGraham: /* Collier Life */

Charcoal production

2020-09-08T13:24:28Z

DanaGraham: /* Background */

==Background==
Although charcoal was used in a variety of metallurgical industries, <ref>Whitney 1994, 218</ref> in nineteenth century Pennsylvania, charcoal was produced primarily to fuel [[iron production]]. Charcoal is the result of the destructive distillation of wood to yield a fuel that is primarily carbon<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>. Charcoal is made by partially burning (carbonizing) wood to remove water vapor and volatile gases, leaving a carbon residue.<ref>Straka 2010, 59</ref> When charcoal is produced it reduces the volume of wood by about half and its weight by a quarter making it easy to transport <ref>Straka, 59</ref> Charcoal was produced by [[Colliers| colliers]]. Charcoal retains the texture of wood, is black in color, and is fragile under pressure<ref>Svedelius 1875, 20</ref>. Unlike wood, charcoal was not attacked by insects or fungi and could be stored indefinitely. It was also easier to burn, pro- duced less smoke, and was a more concentrated heat source.
Charcoal was used in iron production rather than pure wood because charcoal burns much hotter and more consistently<ref>Straka 2014, 106; Whitney 1994, 218</ref>. In the nineteenth century, when iron production was at its peak, the demand for charcoal as fuel for furnaces directly impacted forests. As a result, the charcoal industry was one of the first to think about sustainability and forestry. Unlike wood, charcoal was not attacked by insects or fungi, and could be stored indefinitely, and was a more concentrated heat source (producing about one and a half times more heat than an equivalent weight of dry wood. (pg. 59, History on the Road, Thomas Stratka and Wayne Ramer) Charcoal provided the fuel for early eastern iron furnaces and the western gold and silver smelters in the United States. (p. 58 History on the Road, Thomas Straka and Wayne Ramer) A charcoal furnace might require half the capital of a coke furnace, but the cost of transporting fuel, as measured by weight and distance, played a large role in determining the profitability of an iron furnace.<ref>Straka 2010, 59</ref>

==Types of Wood==
While most types of wood can become charcoal, hard woods generally produced the best quality charcoal. Trees like oak, hickory, [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chestnut chestnut], and elm were greatly preferred to softer woods, such as gum and poplar<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>. Additionally, although resin rich wood, such as pine, are generally less desirable<ref>Overman 1854, 81</ref>, they may be extensively used when it is widely available <ref>see Svedelius</ref>. However, heavier hardwood required a longer burning period<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>, so sometimes a mixture of hardwood and softwood proved to be a combination that yielded the greatest quantity of charcoal<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref> without compromising the integrity of the material. The condition of wood was also important to the quality of the charcoal output, as knots in the wood, decay, and moisture all negatively impacted carbonization<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>. The charcoal produced was not proportional to the original amount of wood<ref>Svedelius 1875, 162</ref>. The burning process reduced the weight of the wood by roughly a quarter and the volume of the wood by half<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>.

The wood was cut by woodcutters primarily during the winter months<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>, as the trees would have less moisture inside<ref>Svedelius 1875, 6; Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Two types of wood were cut: lap-wood and billets<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>. Both were cut in a particular fashion that allowed them to slant inward when piled together<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>. See [[Harvesting Wood]].

Furnace operators preferred timber about 20 to 30 years old. (pg. 60, History on the Road, Thomas Stratka and Wayne Ramer) Most billets came from tree trunks, and most lap-wood from branches. (p. 61, History on the Road, Thomas Stratka and Wayne Ramer) Oak and Hickory were strongly preferred for making “hard” coal; gum and poplar, which made “soft” coal, were of less value. (p.59 History on the Road, Thomas Straka and Wayne Ramer)

==Charcoal Production Process==
===Making the Hearth===
Because of high winter and spring winds and other unfavorable weather conditions, the pits were fired only during the months from May until late October.(pg. 10, American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)

Charcoal hearths required a large, flat, solid, and dry area<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref> that was typically thirty to forty feet in diameter<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. The ground would be tilled to remove any rocks or organic material from the area<ref>Overman 1854, 104</ref>. The hearths were often constructed on hillsides to facilitate dirt movement and were usually round<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>.The hearths were situated about the distance of a city block from each other.( pg. 8, American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace) When identifying the remains of charcoal hearths, the aforementioned information can be utilized. The soil at hearth site remains will typically also be darker in color<ref>McVarish 2008, 263</ref> and flecked with charcoal remains. Low places were avoided as they were typically prone to retaining water in the soil, which would have been detrimental to the charcoal production process<ref>Svedelius 1875, 30</ref>. It was also important that the hearth area was accessible to wagons, so that the charcoal could be carted away<ref>Svedelius 1875, 30</ref>. A triangular chimney was constructed from stacked wood in the center of the hearth. In the chimney, a large stick called the Fagan pole was inserted<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. The Fagan pole was used to mark the center of the pit (the term "pit" is not an accurate descriptor of the appearance of the hearth, as the structure was entirely above ground) and would be also be removed to provide draught just prior to the process of burning the wood<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. It was important that the hearth were not dug into the ground; rather, they were to sit slightly higher than the surface, as to allow water to drain away<ref>Svedelius 1875, 32</ref>.

===Piling the Wood===
After the chimney and the pole were constructed, the collier leaned thick pieces of hardwood inward against the chimney and filled the gaps with lap-wood<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. It was important for the wood to be packed as closely together as possible to ensure uniform burning<ref>Svedelius 1875, 41</ref>. After the first layer (the "foot") was created, the second layer (the "waist") was built up four feet in height<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. Then, a third layer (the "head") was added to the chimney, completing the structure<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. A pit may have held anywhere from twenty-five to fifty cords of wood at a time<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. • After the chimney was about 5 feet high, the collier placed billets at the base, allowing each piece to protrude slightly at the base. When the first ring of billets had been placed, another ring was begun, the base protruding a little more each time, so that when the ring of charcoal dust finally was reached there would be enough slope to the sides of the pit to enable the final covering of leaves and dust to rest securely without sliding off. (Lap wood was fitted in whenever possible to take up air spaces…(pg. 14 American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)

===Covering the Wood===
The last step in the process of constructing the wood pile is known as "Lapping-off"; this was when colliers covered their wood piles with a layer of leftover lap-wood<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. The lap-wood was then covered by leaves and straw, which were collected on site by the collier or their helpers. This layering of brush typically amounted to a covering of a few inches<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref><ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Then, a layer of charcoal dust and dirt was added<ref>McVarish 2008, 262</ref>. This final covering acted as a barrier between the wood and the dirt, helping to ensure even charring of the wood by restricting air flow<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. Througout the entire operation great care was taken to set and fit the pieces substantially together to prevent the whole from reeling or twisting. A pit hastily slapped together was certain to reel. (pg. 16, American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)

===The Burning Process===
Ignition of the charcoal pits typically occurred in the later parts of the evening, this was done so that the colliers could sleep one more time before they had to constantly watch the pit. Normally the pit would not require the attention of the collier until the following afternoon<ref>Kemper 1941, 18</ref>. Charcoal hearths were lit at the top and burned downwards<ref>Straka, 2014, 107</ref>. To ignite the wood, kindling was placed within the the chimney and the fagan pole was removed<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. Then, hot coals were dropped into the chimney and the opening was covered with a flat wood pieces called the "bridging." The bridging was then covered with leaves and straw<ref>Wagner, 2008</ref> before the burning began. Small holes or smoke-vents were created at the bottom of the pile to allow airflow for the draught<ref>Svedelius 1875, 52</ref> and would be closely managed by the colliers.

The process typically took between ten to fourteen days; however, if conditions were unfavorable, the burning period could take three weeks<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. The type of wood, its quality, the way the wood was piled, and the number of cords also factored into the length of the burning process<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. The greater in size and dryness a billet was, the longer the coaling process would take<ref>Svedelius 1875, 81</ref>. Throughout the process, the pit was carefully observed and diligently tended to by colliers to ensure that the wood was burning evenly<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>, especially at the foot of the hearth<ref>Svedelius 1875, 58</ref>. Colliers were trained to be a master in recognizing different surfaces based on their feel of the fagan.<ref>Kemper 1940, 21-22</ref>. A master collier and one or two helpers “coaled” together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. (pg. 8, American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace) During the process the billets shrunk, and the collier needed to pack in more wood and dust to fill the gaps<ref>Svedelius 1875, 69</ref>. As the charring process continues, pockets develop in the pit; the collier walks the pile, called “jumping the pit” to locate them. Any soft spots are filled in with more wood. (pg. 60, History on the Road, Thomas Stratka and Wayne Ramer) At five hundred degrees Fahrenheit the wood began to break down; the maximum temperature reached during the process was about seven hundred fifty degrees Fahrenheit<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>. Colliers needed to watch the color of the smoke and attend to the smoke-vents accordingly <ref>Svedelius 1875, 80</ref>. White smoke was one of indicators of a proper burning<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>, whereas brown tinted smoke, or "dangerous smoke," indicated that the smoke-vents had been created too far down in the pile and a fire broke out before the main burning reached the area, which resulted in a loss of charcoal<ref>Svedelius 1875, 81</ref>. Throughout the burning process, the smoke would cycle through various colors and densities, which would indicate to the collier whether or not to adjust the smoke-vents at various times. At the beginning, the smoke would be thick and of a gray-white color and strong smell; but as the coaling process continued, the smoke would thin out and turn whiter in color, until the smoke became light blue, a signal that it was time to close the smoke-vets and open new ones farther down<ref>Svedelius 1875, 80</ref>.

The process was ended before all the charcoal had finished burning because this helped colliers maximize production<ref>Wagner, 2008</ref>. Colliers would typically layer dust over the pile at the end of the burning process and pack it down tightly, leaving the charcoal to cool<ref>Svedelius 1875, 82</ref>. In Sweden, the cooling process may sometimes have been aided by the use of water, where colliers would begin to water the air-tight mound after allowing it to remain undisturbed for twenty-four hours<ref>Svedelius 1875, 89</ref>. Colliers would use flat, wooden scoops to toss water into the air so that it would fall onto the mound like rain, until the dust is no longer able to absorb the water<ref>Svedelius 1875, 89</ref>. The colliers needed to remain vigilant and continue this process as the dust dried<ref>Svedelius 1875, 89</ref>. The first few days of this process watering was required around two or three times a day; by the seventh day, watering was only necessary if the dust continued to dry<ref>Svedelius 1875, 89</ref>. Charcoal is made by partially burning wood to remove water vapor and volatile gases (p. 59 History on the Road, Thomas Straka and Wayne Ramer)

===Removing the Charcoal===
To remove the finished charcoal, colliers cleared the area surrounding the hearth where the charcoal would be dragged on to<ref>Svedelius 1875, 85</ref> and used a large rake with long tines to collect the charcoal<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. The tines ensured that the pieces of charcoal were dragged through the dirt on their way out of the hearth and that the charcoal would not be damaged<ref>McVarish 2008, 262</ref>, as it would have been if, for example, a shovel had been used for removal<ref>Svedelius 1875, 85</ref>. The rake has long spokes that are evenly spaced out to ensure that smaller and larger pieces of charcoal get picked up. Raking out the coal can take as many as two to three days. One man explains that they are “foxing the brands” which means that any pieces of coal that are still charring need to be kept under the soil to properly char.
This made sure that no fires would flare up and destroy the charcoal<ref>Wagner, 2008</ref>. It was helpful if colliers had a source of water nearby, as to extinguish any fires that threatened the consumption of the charcoal<ref>Svedelius 1875, 84</ref>, but certainly not all charcoal production locations allowed for this. If the use of water became necessary and water was available, the collier needed to be careful to only use what was necessary to extinguish the fire, as to not sour the charcoal and lessen its value<ref>Svedelius 1875, 85</ref>.It is important to note that charcoal makers did not want small pieces but rather, favored larger chunks that had to be loaded by hand.

After the charcoal was removed, it was imperative that it be stored somewhere that it would not be affected by poor weather<ref>Svedelius 1875, 85</ref> before being carted away. In some cases it was necessary that a charcoal shed be built to store the charcoal<ref>Svedelius 1875, 87</ref>. The shed would be constructed from billets and situated on a dry area near the hearth<ref>Svedelius 1875, 87</ref>. Once the charcoal cooled down and the threat of reignition past, the charcoal was removed from the cooling shed and moved to the charcoal house<ref>Straka 2010, 61</ref>.

==Transporting Charcoal==
Initially, most charcoal was moved from the hearths to local furnaces within about 2-5 miles by cart. As furnaces became larger in the late 1800s and early 1900s, charcoal was transported increasingly greater distances. This charcoal served the larger, more efficient furnaces, many of which were in the Midwest and South. In particular, the large furnaces of Michigan were highly dependent upon the movement of charcoal by train car.<ref>Williams 1989, 341-342</ref>. Specialized charcoal cars were designed and widely used, especially in New England, New York, Pennsylvania, Michigan, Alabama and Tennessee.<ref>Journal of the United States Association of Charcoal Iron Workers 1885</ref> In 1882, Bernhard Fernow, the manager of the lands associated with the [[Lehigh Furnace]], loaded 49 box cars with the charcoal of from "860 cords of chestnut, 25 years old, ... and 600 cords of black oak, 38 years old." <ref>Fernow 1882, 21</ref> The intended destination of this charcoal is unclear. One acre per year produces one cord of wood.<ref>Straka and Ramer, 60 </ref>

=Sustainability=
The need for charcoal in the iron industry created a significant demand for wood and a great deal of trees were chopped down for its production. The average output of furnaces between 1750 and 1800 was one hundred to four hundred tons of pig iron per year. This required two hundred to four hundred bushels of charcoal and fifty acres of trees to produce that amount<ref>Straka 2014, 105</ref>. Even though the increased efficiency of furnaces decreased the necessary amount of charcoal, increased production required one hundred fifty acres of wood by 1850 and one thousand four hundred acres by 1900<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>.

Since forests regenerated at different rates, this impacted sustainability. In the Western United States, woodlands took decades to regrow to maturity; so, forest sections usually were cut on a twenty-year cycle<ref> Walker 1966, 121</ref>. Old-growth forests would typically have higher yields<ref>Straka 2014, 105</ref>.
Eastern furnaces were some of the first to manage forests to ensure a sustainable yield<ref>Straka 2014, 111</ref>. Several early proponents of sustainable forestry were involved in the making of charcoal, like Bernhard E. Fernow, the manager of the Lehigh Furnace from 1879 to 1883. He advocated for coppicing of wood and protection from fire and cattle grazing to speed up regrowth of forest used for charcoal<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>.

==Charcoal versus Coal==
The transition to coal as the primary fuel for furnaces began around 1840, but in 1859 around three-quarters of furnaces in America (particularly in Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York) still primarily used charcoal<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>. Charcoal remained a source of fuel in some places until 1945<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. Coal was chosen as a replacement for charcoal in part because it was less expensive to transport<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>. Coal being less expensive to transport in comparison to charcoal was largely due to the fact that coal was less bulky and was sourced from established mines unlike charcoal which was produced from scattered timber sources<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>.

Charcoal, compared to coal, tended to produce a higher quality of iron with fewer impurities, partially because of its density<ref> Straka and Ramer, 2010, 59 </ref>. The use of charcoal also created less smoke using the production process<ref> Straka and Ramer, 2010, 59 </ref>. Iron made from charcoal had a "fine grain" and maintained a better cutting edge<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref> in comparison to coal. However, as coal became the primary source of fuel, production moved out of the forests and into cities, which allowed the forests to begin to recover from the impacts of charcoal production.

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
*''Agriculture and Rural economy – Charcoal → .'' 2010. The Encyclopedia of Diderot & d'Alembert Collaborative Translation Project. Ann Arbor: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library. [http://hdl.handle.net/2027/spo.did2222.0001.346] [https://artflsrv03.uchicago.edu/philologic4/encyclopedie1117/navigate/18/25/]. Originally published as "Agriculture et économie rustique – Charbon de bois," Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, vol. 1 (plates) (Paris, 1762).

*Fernow, Bernhard E. 1882. ''The Yield of Wood and When to Cut It.'' Journal of the United States Association of Charcoal Iron Workers 3 (1): 19–26.

*Gemmell, Alfred. 1949. ''The Charcoal Iron Industry in the Perkiomen Valley.'' Norristown, PA.: Hartenstine Printing House.

*Jones, Claude A. 1976. ''Making Charcoal at Jacobsburg.'' In Slate Belt Bicentennial Heritage, edited by Marjorie May, Maryann Repsher, Robert R. Saltern, Gordon E. Wilson, and Albert M. Toth, 32–33. Heritage Committee of the Slate Belt Bicentennial Commission.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*MeasuringWorth Foundation. 2020. ''Measuring Worth- Relative Worth Comparators and Data Sets''. [https://www.measuringworth.com/index.php . Accessed April 24, 2020]

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. [https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1]

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. ''History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.'' Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62.[https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf]

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. ''Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters.'' Advances in Historical Studies: 104-114.[http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2014.32010]

*Svedelius, G., Joseph Leonard W. Nicodemus, and Björn R. Anderson. 1875. ''Hand-book for Charcoal Burners.'' New York: Wiley. [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc2.ark:/13960/t7dr2qz7d&view=1up&seq=166]

*''Transportation of Charcoal.'' 1885. Journal of the United States Association of Charcoal Iron Workers 6 (2): 117–21.

*''United States Census, 1860,'' database with images, FamilySearch [https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33S7-9BSD-C5Y?cc=1473181&wc=7QL9-Y6C%3A1589434177%2C1589434982%2C1589435676] : 24 March 2017, Pennsylvania > Carbon > East Penn Township > image 2 of 22; from "1860 U.S. Federal Census - Population," database, Fold3.com (http://www.fold3.com : n.d.); citing NARA microfilm publication M653 (Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.).

*Wagner, Van. 2008. ''Fire the Pit- Charcoal Production in Pennsylvania.'' 4 vols. [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RxW7g3IwD1k]; [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xVE_7hMLMZU]; [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=88FbebFElaY]; [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ghj2p9rrUmM]

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

*Williams, Michael. 1989. ''Americans and Their Forests : A Historical Geography.'' Cambridge [Cambridgeshire] ; Cambridge University Press.

Charcoal production

2020-09-08T13:24:01Z

DanaGraham: /* Background */

==Background==
Although charcoal was used in a variety of metallurgical industries, <ref>Whitney 1994, 218</ref> in nineteenth century Pennsylvania, charcoal was produced primarily to fuel [[iron production]]. Charcoal is the result of the destructive distillation of wood to yield a fuel that is primarily carbon<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>. Charcoal is made by partially burning (carbonizing) wood to remove water vapor and volatile gases, leaving a carbon residue.<ref>Straka 2010, 59</ref> When charcoal is produced it reduces the volume of wood by about half and its weight by a quarter making it easy to transport <ref>Straka, 59</ref> Charcoal was produced by [[Colliers| colliers]]. Charcoal retains the texture of wood, is black in color, and is fragile under pressure<ref>Svedelius 1875, 20</ref>. Unlike wood, charcoal was not attacked by insects or fungi and could be stored indefinitely. It was also easier to burn, pro- duced less smoke, and was a more concen- trated heat source
Charcoal was used in iron production rather than pure wood because charcoal burns much hotter and more consistently<ref>Straka 2014, 106; Whitney 1994, 218</ref>. In the nineteenth century, when iron production was at its peak, the demand for charcoal as fuel for furnaces directly impacted forests. As a result, the charcoal industry was one of the first to think about sustainability and forestry. Unlike wood, charcoal was not attacked by insects or fungi, and could be stored indefinitely, and was a more concentrated heat source (producing about one and a half times more heat than an equivalent weight of dry wood. (pg. 59, History on the Road, Thomas Stratka and Wayne Ramer) Charcoal provided the fuel for early eastern iron furnaces and the western gold and silver smelters in the United States. (p. 58 History on the Road, Thomas Straka and Wayne Ramer) A charcoal furnace might require half the capital of a coke furnace, but the cost of transporting fuel, as measured by weight and distance, played a large role in determining the profitability of an iron furnace.<ref>Straka 2010, 59</ref>

==Types of Wood==
While most types of wood can become charcoal, hard woods generally produced the best quality charcoal. Trees like oak, hickory, [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chestnut chestnut], and elm were greatly preferred to softer woods, such as gum and poplar<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>. Additionally, although resin rich wood, such as pine, are generally less desirable<ref>Overman 1854, 81</ref>, they may be extensively used when it is widely available <ref>see Svedelius</ref>. However, heavier hardwood required a longer burning period<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>, so sometimes a mixture of hardwood and softwood proved to be a combination that yielded the greatest quantity of charcoal<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref> without compromising the integrity of the material. The condition of wood was also important to the quality of the charcoal output, as knots in the wood, decay, and moisture all negatively impacted carbonization<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>. The charcoal produced was not proportional to the original amount of wood<ref>Svedelius 1875, 162</ref>. The burning process reduced the weight of the wood by roughly a quarter and the volume of the wood by half<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>.

The wood was cut by woodcutters primarily during the winter months<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>, as the trees would have less moisture inside<ref>Svedelius 1875, 6; Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Two types of wood were cut: lap-wood and billets<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>. Both were cut in a particular fashion that allowed them to slant inward when piled together<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>. See [[Harvesting Wood]].

Furnace operators preferred timber about 20 to 30 years old. (pg. 60, History on the Road, Thomas Stratka and Wayne Ramer) Most billets came from tree trunks, and most lap-wood from branches. (p. 61, History on the Road, Thomas Stratka and Wayne Ramer) Oak and Hickory were strongly preferred for making “hard” coal; gum and poplar, which made “soft” coal, were of less value. (p.59 History on the Road, Thomas Straka and Wayne Ramer)

==Charcoal Production Process==
===Making the Hearth===
Because of high winter and spring winds and other unfavorable weather conditions, the pits were fired only during the months from May until late October.(pg. 10, American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)

Charcoal hearths required a large, flat, solid, and dry area<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref> that was typically thirty to forty feet in diameter<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. The ground would be tilled to remove any rocks or organic material from the area<ref>Overman 1854, 104</ref>. The hearths were often constructed on hillsides to facilitate dirt movement and were usually round<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>.The hearths were situated about the distance of a city block from each other.( pg. 8, American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace) When identifying the remains of charcoal hearths, the aforementioned information can be utilized. The soil at hearth site remains will typically also be darker in color<ref>McVarish 2008, 263</ref> and flecked with charcoal remains. Low places were avoided as they were typically prone to retaining water in the soil, which would have been detrimental to the charcoal production process<ref>Svedelius 1875, 30</ref>. It was also important that the hearth area was accessible to wagons, so that the charcoal could be carted away<ref>Svedelius 1875, 30</ref>. A triangular chimney was constructed from stacked wood in the center of the hearth. In the chimney, a large stick called the Fagan pole was inserted<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. The Fagan pole was used to mark the center of the pit (the term "pit" is not an accurate descriptor of the appearance of the hearth, as the structure was entirely above ground) and would be also be removed to provide draught just prior to the process of burning the wood<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. It was important that the hearth were not dug into the ground; rather, they were to sit slightly higher than the surface, as to allow water to drain away<ref>Svedelius 1875, 32</ref>.

===Piling the Wood===
After the chimney and the pole were constructed, the collier leaned thick pieces of hardwood inward against the chimney and filled the gaps with lap-wood<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. It was important for the wood to be packed as closely together as possible to ensure uniform burning<ref>Svedelius 1875, 41</ref>. After the first layer (the "foot") was created, the second layer (the "waist") was built up four feet in height<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. Then, a third layer (the "head") was added to the chimney, completing the structure<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. A pit may have held anywhere from twenty-five to fifty cords of wood at a time<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. • After the chimney was about 5 feet high, the collier placed billets at the base, allowing each piece to protrude slightly at the base. When the first ring of billets had been placed, another ring was begun, the base protruding a little more each time, so that when the ring of charcoal dust finally was reached there would be enough slope to the sides of the pit to enable the final covering of leaves and dust to rest securely without sliding off. (Lap wood was fitted in whenever possible to take up air spaces…(pg. 14 American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)

===Covering the Wood===
The last step in the process of constructing the wood pile is known as "Lapping-off"; this was when colliers covered their wood piles with a layer of leftover lap-wood<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. The lap-wood was then covered by leaves and straw, which were collected on site by the collier or their helpers. This layering of brush typically amounted to a covering of a few inches<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref><ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Then, a layer of charcoal dust and dirt was added<ref>McVarish 2008, 262</ref>. This final covering acted as a barrier between the wood and the dirt, helping to ensure even charring of the wood by restricting air flow<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. Througout the entire operation great care was taken to set and fit the pieces substantially together to prevent the whole from reeling or twisting. A pit hastily slapped together was certain to reel. (pg. 16, American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)

===The Burning Process===
Ignition of the charcoal pits typically occurred in the later parts of the evening, this was done so that the colliers could sleep one more time before they had to constantly watch the pit. Normally the pit would not require the attention of the collier until the following afternoon<ref>Kemper 1941, 18</ref>. Charcoal hearths were lit at the top and burned downwards<ref>Straka, 2014, 107</ref>. To ignite the wood, kindling was placed within the the chimney and the fagan pole was removed<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. Then, hot coals were dropped into the chimney and the opening was covered with a flat wood pieces called the "bridging." The bridging was then covered with leaves and straw<ref>Wagner, 2008</ref> before the burning began. Small holes or smoke-vents were created at the bottom of the pile to allow airflow for the draught<ref>Svedelius 1875, 52</ref> and would be closely managed by the colliers.

The process typically took between ten to fourteen days; however, if conditions were unfavorable, the burning period could take three weeks<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. The type of wood, its quality, the way the wood was piled, and the number of cords also factored into the length of the burning process<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. The greater in size and dryness a billet was, the longer the coaling process would take<ref>Svedelius 1875, 81</ref>. Throughout the process, the pit was carefully observed and diligently tended to by colliers to ensure that the wood was burning evenly<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>, especially at the foot of the hearth<ref>Svedelius 1875, 58</ref>. Colliers were trained to be a master in recognizing different surfaces based on their feel of the fagan.<ref>Kemper 1940, 21-22</ref>. A master collier and one or two helpers “coaled” together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. (pg. 8, American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace) During the process the billets shrunk, and the collier needed to pack in more wood and dust to fill the gaps<ref>Svedelius 1875, 69</ref>. As the charring process continues, pockets develop in the pit; the collier walks the pile, called “jumping the pit” to locate them. Any soft spots are filled in with more wood. (pg. 60, History on the Road, Thomas Stratka and Wayne Ramer) At five hundred degrees Fahrenheit the wood began to break down; the maximum temperature reached during the process was about seven hundred fifty degrees Fahrenheit<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>. Colliers needed to watch the color of the smoke and attend to the smoke-vents accordingly <ref>Svedelius 1875, 80</ref>. White smoke was one of indicators of a proper burning<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>, whereas brown tinted smoke, or "dangerous smoke," indicated that the smoke-vents had been created too far down in the pile and a fire broke out before the main burning reached the area, which resulted in a loss of charcoal<ref>Svedelius 1875, 81</ref>. Throughout the burning process, the smoke would cycle through various colors and densities, which would indicate to the collier whether or not to adjust the smoke-vents at various times. At the beginning, the smoke would be thick and of a gray-white color and strong smell; but as the coaling process continued, the smoke would thin out and turn whiter in color, until the smoke became light blue, a signal that it was time to close the smoke-vets and open new ones farther down<ref>Svedelius 1875, 80</ref>.

The process was ended before all the charcoal had finished burning because this helped colliers maximize production<ref>Wagner, 2008</ref>. Colliers would typically layer dust over the pile at the end of the burning process and pack it down tightly, leaving the charcoal to cool<ref>Svedelius 1875, 82</ref>. In Sweden, the cooling process may sometimes have been aided by the use of water, where colliers would begin to water the air-tight mound after allowing it to remain undisturbed for twenty-four hours<ref>Svedelius 1875, 89</ref>. Colliers would use flat, wooden scoops to toss water into the air so that it would fall onto the mound like rain, until the dust is no longer able to absorb the water<ref>Svedelius 1875, 89</ref>. The colliers needed to remain vigilant and continue this process as the dust dried<ref>Svedelius 1875, 89</ref>. The first few days of this process watering was required around two or three times a day; by the seventh day, watering was only necessary if the dust continued to dry<ref>Svedelius 1875, 89</ref>. Charcoal is made by partially burning wood to remove water vapor and volatile gases (p. 59 History on the Road, Thomas Straka and Wayne Ramer)

===Removing the Charcoal===
To remove the finished charcoal, colliers cleared the area surrounding the hearth where the charcoal would be dragged on to<ref>Svedelius 1875, 85</ref> and used a large rake with long tines to collect the charcoal<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. The tines ensured that the pieces of charcoal were dragged through the dirt on their way out of the hearth and that the charcoal would not be damaged<ref>McVarish 2008, 262</ref>, as it would have been if, for example, a shovel had been used for removal<ref>Svedelius 1875, 85</ref>. The rake has long spokes that are evenly spaced out to ensure that smaller and larger pieces of charcoal get picked up. Raking out the coal can take as many as two to three days. One man explains that they are “foxing the brands” which means that any pieces of coal that are still charring need to be kept under the soil to properly char.
This made sure that no fires would flare up and destroy the charcoal<ref>Wagner, 2008</ref>. It was helpful if colliers had a source of water nearby, as to extinguish any fires that threatened the consumption of the charcoal<ref>Svedelius 1875, 84</ref>, but certainly not all charcoal production locations allowed for this. If the use of water became necessary and water was available, the collier needed to be careful to only use what was necessary to extinguish the fire, as to not sour the charcoal and lessen its value<ref>Svedelius 1875, 85</ref>.It is important to note that charcoal makers did not want small pieces but rather, favored larger chunks that had to be loaded by hand.

After the charcoal was removed, it was imperative that it be stored somewhere that it would not be affected by poor weather<ref>Svedelius 1875, 85</ref> before being carted away. In some cases it was necessary that a charcoal shed be built to store the charcoal<ref>Svedelius 1875, 87</ref>. The shed would be constructed from billets and situated on a dry area near the hearth<ref>Svedelius 1875, 87</ref>. Once the charcoal cooled down and the threat of reignition past, the charcoal was removed from the cooling shed and moved to the charcoal house<ref>Straka 2010, 61</ref>.

==Transporting Charcoal==
Initially, most charcoal was moved from the hearths to local furnaces within about 2-5 miles by cart. As furnaces became larger in the late 1800s and early 1900s, charcoal was transported increasingly greater distances. This charcoal served the larger, more efficient furnaces, many of which were in the Midwest and South. In particular, the large furnaces of Michigan were highly dependent upon the movement of charcoal by train car.<ref>Williams 1989, 341-342</ref>. Specialized charcoal cars were designed and widely used, especially in New England, New York, Pennsylvania, Michigan, Alabama and Tennessee.<ref>Journal of the United States Association of Charcoal Iron Workers 1885</ref> In 1882, Bernhard Fernow, the manager of the lands associated with the [[Lehigh Furnace]], loaded 49 box cars with the charcoal of from "860 cords of chestnut, 25 years old, ... and 600 cords of black oak, 38 years old." <ref>Fernow 1882, 21</ref> The intended destination of this charcoal is unclear. One acre per year produces one cord of wood.<ref>Straka and Ramer, 60 </ref>

=Sustainability=
The need for charcoal in the iron industry created a significant demand for wood and a great deal of trees were chopped down for its production. The average output of furnaces between 1750 and 1800 was one hundred to four hundred tons of pig iron per year. This required two hundred to four hundred bushels of charcoal and fifty acres of trees to produce that amount<ref>Straka 2014, 105</ref>. Even though the increased efficiency of furnaces decreased the necessary amount of charcoal, increased production required one hundred fifty acres of wood by 1850 and one thousand four hundred acres by 1900<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>.

Since forests regenerated at different rates, this impacted sustainability. In the Western United States, woodlands took decades to regrow to maturity; so, forest sections usually were cut on a twenty-year cycle<ref> Walker 1966, 121</ref>. Old-growth forests would typically have higher yields<ref>Straka 2014, 105</ref>.
Eastern furnaces were some of the first to manage forests to ensure a sustainable yield<ref>Straka 2014, 111</ref>. Several early proponents of sustainable forestry were involved in the making of charcoal, like Bernhard E. Fernow, the manager of the Lehigh Furnace from 1879 to 1883. He advocated for coppicing of wood and protection from fire and cattle grazing to speed up regrowth of forest used for charcoal<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>.

==Charcoal versus Coal==
The transition to coal as the primary fuel for furnaces began around 1840, but in 1859 around three-quarters of furnaces in America (particularly in Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York) still primarily used charcoal<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>. Charcoal remained a source of fuel in some places until 1945<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. Coal was chosen as a replacement for charcoal in part because it was less expensive to transport<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>. Coal being less expensive to transport in comparison to charcoal was largely due to the fact that coal was less bulky and was sourced from established mines unlike charcoal which was produced from scattered timber sources<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>.

Charcoal, compared to coal, tended to produce a higher quality of iron with fewer impurities, partially because of its density<ref> Straka and Ramer, 2010, 59 </ref>. The use of charcoal also created less smoke using the production process<ref> Straka and Ramer, 2010, 59 </ref>. Iron made from charcoal had a "fine grain" and maintained a better cutting edge<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref> in comparison to coal. However, as coal became the primary source of fuel, production moved out of the forests and into cities, which allowed the forests to begin to recover from the impacts of charcoal production.

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
*''Agriculture and Rural economy – Charcoal → .'' 2010. The Encyclopedia of Diderot & d'Alembert Collaborative Translation Project. Ann Arbor: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library. [http://hdl.handle.net/2027/spo.did2222.0001.346] [https://artflsrv03.uchicago.edu/philologic4/encyclopedie1117/navigate/18/25/]. Originally published as "Agriculture et économie rustique – Charbon de bois," Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, vol. 1 (plates) (Paris, 1762).

*Fernow, Bernhard E. 1882. ''The Yield of Wood and When to Cut It.'' Journal of the United States Association of Charcoal Iron Workers 3 (1): 19–26.

*Gemmell, Alfred. 1949. ''The Charcoal Iron Industry in the Perkiomen Valley.'' Norristown, PA.: Hartenstine Printing House.

*Jones, Claude A. 1976. ''Making Charcoal at Jacobsburg.'' In Slate Belt Bicentennial Heritage, edited by Marjorie May, Maryann Repsher, Robert R. Saltern, Gordon E. Wilson, and Albert M. Toth, 32–33. Heritage Committee of the Slate Belt Bicentennial Commission.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*MeasuringWorth Foundation. 2020. ''Measuring Worth- Relative Worth Comparators and Data Sets''. [https://www.measuringworth.com/index.php . Accessed April 24, 2020]

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. [https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1]

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. ''History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.'' Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62.[https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf]

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. ''Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters.'' Advances in Historical Studies: 104-114.[http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2014.32010]

*Svedelius, G., Joseph Leonard W. Nicodemus, and Björn R. Anderson. 1875. ''Hand-book for Charcoal Burners.'' New York: Wiley. [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc2.ark:/13960/t7dr2qz7d&view=1up&seq=166]

*''Transportation of Charcoal.'' 1885. Journal of the United States Association of Charcoal Iron Workers 6 (2): 117–21.

*''United States Census, 1860,'' database with images, FamilySearch [https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33S7-9BSD-C5Y?cc=1473181&wc=7QL9-Y6C%3A1589434177%2C1589434982%2C1589435676] : 24 March 2017, Pennsylvania > Carbon > East Penn Township > image 2 of 22; from "1860 U.S. Federal Census - Population," database, Fold3.com (http://www.fold3.com : n.d.); citing NARA microfilm publication M653 (Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.).

*Wagner, Van. 2008. ''Fire the Pit- Charcoal Production in Pennsylvania.'' 4 vols. [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RxW7g3IwD1k]; [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xVE_7hMLMZU]; [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=88FbebFElaY]; [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ghj2p9rrUmM]

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

*Williams, Michael. 1989. ''Americans and Their Forests : A Historical Geography.'' Cambridge [Cambridgeshire] ; Cambridge University Press.

Charcoal production

2020-09-08T13:22:07Z

DanaGraham: /* Removing the Charcoal */

==Background==
Although charcoal was used in a variety of metallurgical industries, <ref>Whitney 1994, 218</ref> in nineteenth century Pennsylvania, charcoal was produced primarily to fuel [[iron production]]. Charcoal is the result of the destructive distillation of wood to yield a fuel that is primarily carbon<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>. Charcoal is made by partially burning (carbonizing) wood to remove water vapor and volatile gases, leaving a carbon residue.<ref>Straka 2010, 59</ref> When charcoal is produced it reduces the volume of wood by about half and its weight by a quarter making it easy to transport <ref>Straka, 59</ref> Charcoal was produced by [[Colliers| colliers]]. Charcoal retains the texture of wood, is black in color, and is fragile under pressure<ref>Svedelius 1875, 20</ref>. Charcoal was used in iron production rather than pure wood because charcoal burns much hotter and more consistently<ref>Straka 2014, 106; Whitney 1994, 218</ref>. In the nineteenth century, when iron production was at its peak, the demand for charcoal as fuel for furnaces directly impacted forests. As a result, the charcoal industry was one of the first to think about sustainability and forestry. Unlike wood, charcoal was not attacked by insects or fungi, and could be stored indefinitely, and was a more concentrated heat source (producing about one and a half times more heat than an equivalent weight of dry wood. (pg. 59, History on the Road, Thomas Stratka and Wayne Ramer) Charcoal provided the fuel for early eastern iron furnaces and the western gold and silver smelters in the United States. (p. 58 History on the Road, Thomas Straka and Wayne Ramer) A charcoal furnace might require half the capital of a coke furnace, but the cost of transporting fuel, as measured by weight and distance, played a large role in determining the profitability of an iron furnace.<ref>Straka 2010, 59</ref>

==Types of Wood==
While most types of wood can become charcoal, hard woods generally produced the best quality charcoal. Trees like oak, hickory, [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chestnut chestnut], and elm were greatly preferred to softer woods, such as gum and poplar<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>. Additionally, although resin rich wood, such as pine, are generally less desirable<ref>Overman 1854, 81</ref>, they may be extensively used when it is widely available <ref>see Svedelius</ref>. However, heavier hardwood required a longer burning period<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>, so sometimes a mixture of hardwood and softwood proved to be a combination that yielded the greatest quantity of charcoal<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref> without compromising the integrity of the material. The condition of wood was also important to the quality of the charcoal output, as knots in the wood, decay, and moisture all negatively impacted carbonization<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>. The charcoal produced was not proportional to the original amount of wood<ref>Svedelius 1875, 162</ref>. The burning process reduced the weight of the wood by roughly a quarter and the volume of the wood by half<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>.

The wood was cut by woodcutters primarily during the winter months<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>, as the trees would have less moisture inside<ref>Svedelius 1875, 6; Overman 1854, 80</ref>. Two types of wood were cut: lap-wood and billets<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>. Both were cut in a particular fashion that allowed them to slant inward when piled together<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>. See [[Harvesting Wood]].

Furnace operators preferred timber about 20 to 30 years old. (pg. 60, History on the Road, Thomas Stratka and Wayne Ramer) Most billets came from tree trunks, and most lap-wood from branches. (p. 61, History on the Road, Thomas Stratka and Wayne Ramer) Oak and Hickory were strongly preferred for making “hard” coal; gum and poplar, which made “soft” coal, were of less value. (p.59 History on the Road, Thomas Straka and Wayne Ramer)

==Charcoal Production Process==
===Making the Hearth===
Because of high winter and spring winds and other unfavorable weather conditions, the pits were fired only during the months from May until late October.(pg. 10, American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)

Charcoal hearths required a large, flat, solid, and dry area<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref> that was typically thirty to forty feet in diameter<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. The ground would be tilled to remove any rocks or organic material from the area<ref>Overman 1854, 104</ref>. The hearths were often constructed on hillsides to facilitate dirt movement and were usually round<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>.The hearths were situated about the distance of a city block from each other.( pg. 8, American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace) When identifying the remains of charcoal hearths, the aforementioned information can be utilized. The soil at hearth site remains will typically also be darker in color<ref>McVarish 2008, 263</ref> and flecked with charcoal remains. Low places were avoided as they were typically prone to retaining water in the soil, which would have been detrimental to the charcoal production process<ref>Svedelius 1875, 30</ref>. It was also important that the hearth area was accessible to wagons, so that the charcoal could be carted away<ref>Svedelius 1875, 30</ref>. A triangular chimney was constructed from stacked wood in the center of the hearth. In the chimney, a large stick called the Fagan pole was inserted<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. The Fagan pole was used to mark the center of the pit (the term "pit" is not an accurate descriptor of the appearance of the hearth, as the structure was entirely above ground) and would be also be removed to provide draught just prior to the process of burning the wood<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. It was important that the hearth were not dug into the ground; rather, they were to sit slightly higher than the surface, as to allow water to drain away<ref>Svedelius 1875, 32</ref>.

===Piling the Wood===
After the chimney and the pole were constructed, the collier leaned thick pieces of hardwood inward against the chimney and filled the gaps with lap-wood<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. It was important for the wood to be packed as closely together as possible to ensure uniform burning<ref>Svedelius 1875, 41</ref>. After the first layer (the "foot") was created, the second layer (the "waist") was built up four feet in height<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. Then, a third layer (the "head") was added to the chimney, completing the structure<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. A pit may have held anywhere from twenty-five to fifty cords of wood at a time<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. • After the chimney was about 5 feet high, the collier placed billets at the base, allowing each piece to protrude slightly at the base. When the first ring of billets had been placed, another ring was begun, the base protruding a little more each time, so that when the ring of charcoal dust finally was reached there would be enough slope to the sides of the pit to enable the final covering of leaves and dust to rest securely without sliding off. (Lap wood was fitted in whenever possible to take up air spaces…(pg. 14 American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)

===Covering the Wood===
The last step in the process of constructing the wood pile is known as "Lapping-off"; this was when colliers covered their wood piles with a layer of leftover lap-wood<ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. The lap-wood was then covered by leaves and straw, which were collected on site by the collier or their helpers. This layering of brush typically amounted to a covering of a few inches<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref><ref>Kemper 1941, 16</ref>. Then, a layer of charcoal dust and dirt was added<ref>McVarish 2008, 262</ref>. This final covering acted as a barrier between the wood and the dirt, helping to ensure even charring of the wood by restricting air flow<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. Througout the entire operation great care was taken to set and fit the pieces substantially together to prevent the whole from reeling or twisting. A pit hastily slapped together was certain to reel. (pg. 16, American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace)

===The Burning Process===
Ignition of the charcoal pits typically occurred in the later parts of the evening, this was done so that the colliers could sleep one more time before they had to constantly watch the pit. Normally the pit would not require the attention of the collier until the following afternoon<ref>Kemper 1941, 18</ref>. Charcoal hearths were lit at the top and burned downwards<ref>Straka, 2014, 107</ref>. To ignite the wood, kindling was placed within the the chimney and the fagan pole was removed<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. Then, hot coals were dropped into the chimney and the opening was covered with a flat wood pieces called the "bridging." The bridging was then covered with leaves and straw<ref>Wagner, 2008</ref> before the burning began. Small holes or smoke-vents were created at the bottom of the pile to allow airflow for the draught<ref>Svedelius 1875, 52</ref> and would be closely managed by the colliers.

The process typically took between ten to fourteen days; however, if conditions were unfavorable, the burning period could take three weeks<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. The type of wood, its quality, the way the wood was piled, and the number of cords also factored into the length of the burning process<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. The greater in size and dryness a billet was, the longer the coaling process would take<ref>Svedelius 1875, 81</ref>. Throughout the process, the pit was carefully observed and diligently tended to by colliers to ensure that the wood was burning evenly<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>, especially at the foot of the hearth<ref>Svedelius 1875, 58</ref>. Colliers were trained to be a master in recognizing different surfaces based on their feel of the fagan.<ref>Kemper 1940, 21-22</ref>. A master collier and one or two helpers “coaled” together, working as many as eight or nine pits at a time. (pg. 8, American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold Blast Furnace) During the process the billets shrunk, and the collier needed to pack in more wood and dust to fill the gaps<ref>Svedelius 1875, 69</ref>. As the charring process continues, pockets develop in the pit; the collier walks the pile, called “jumping the pit” to locate them. Any soft spots are filled in with more wood. (pg. 60, History on the Road, Thomas Stratka and Wayne Ramer) At five hundred degrees Fahrenheit the wood began to break down; the maximum temperature reached during the process was about seven hundred fifty degrees Fahrenheit<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>. Colliers needed to watch the color of the smoke and attend to the smoke-vents accordingly <ref>Svedelius 1875, 80</ref>. White smoke was one of indicators of a proper burning<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>, whereas brown tinted smoke, or "dangerous smoke," indicated that the smoke-vents had been created too far down in the pile and a fire broke out before the main burning reached the area, which resulted in a loss of charcoal<ref>Svedelius 1875, 81</ref>. Throughout the burning process, the smoke would cycle through various colors and densities, which would indicate to the collier whether or not to adjust the smoke-vents at various times. At the beginning, the smoke would be thick and of a gray-white color and strong smell; but as the coaling process continued, the smoke would thin out and turn whiter in color, until the smoke became light blue, a signal that it was time to close the smoke-vets and open new ones farther down<ref>Svedelius 1875, 80</ref>.

The process was ended before all the charcoal had finished burning because this helped colliers maximize production<ref>Wagner, 2008</ref>. Colliers would typically layer dust over the pile at the end of the burning process and pack it down tightly, leaving the charcoal to cool<ref>Svedelius 1875, 82</ref>. In Sweden, the cooling process may sometimes have been aided by the use of water, where colliers would begin to water the air-tight mound after allowing it to remain undisturbed for twenty-four hours<ref>Svedelius 1875, 89</ref>. Colliers would use flat, wooden scoops to toss water into the air so that it would fall onto the mound like rain, until the dust is no longer able to absorb the water<ref>Svedelius 1875, 89</ref>. The colliers needed to remain vigilant and continue this process as the dust dried<ref>Svedelius 1875, 89</ref>. The first few days of this process watering was required around two or three times a day; by the seventh day, watering was only necessary if the dust continued to dry<ref>Svedelius 1875, 89</ref>. Charcoal is made by partially burning wood to remove water vapor and volatile gases (p. 59 History on the Road, Thomas Straka and Wayne Ramer)

===Removing the Charcoal===
To remove the finished charcoal, colliers cleared the area surrounding the hearth where the charcoal would be dragged on to<ref>Svedelius 1875, 85</ref> and used a large rake with long tines to collect the charcoal<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. The tines ensured that the pieces of charcoal were dragged through the dirt on their way out of the hearth and that the charcoal would not be damaged<ref>McVarish 2008, 262</ref>, as it would have been if, for example, a shovel had been used for removal<ref>Svedelius 1875, 85</ref>. The rake has long spokes that are evenly spaced out to ensure that smaller and larger pieces of charcoal get picked up. Raking out the coal can take as many as two to three days. One man explains that they are “foxing the brands” which means that any pieces of coal that are still charring need to be kept under the soil to properly char.
This made sure that no fires would flare up and destroy the charcoal<ref>Wagner, 2008</ref>. It was helpful if colliers had a source of water nearby, as to extinguish any fires that threatened the consumption of the charcoal<ref>Svedelius 1875, 84</ref>, but certainly not all charcoal production locations allowed for this. If the use of water became necessary and water was available, the collier needed to be careful to only use what was necessary to extinguish the fire, as to not sour the charcoal and lessen its value<ref>Svedelius 1875, 85</ref>.It is important to note that charcoal makers did not want small pieces but rather, favored larger chunks that had to be loaded by hand.

After the charcoal was removed, it was imperative that it be stored somewhere that it would not be affected by poor weather<ref>Svedelius 1875, 85</ref> before being carted away. In some cases it was necessary that a charcoal shed be built to store the charcoal<ref>Svedelius 1875, 87</ref>. The shed would be constructed from billets and situated on a dry area near the hearth<ref>Svedelius 1875, 87</ref>. Once the charcoal cooled down and the threat of reignition past, the charcoal was removed from the cooling shed and moved to the charcoal house<ref>Straka 2010, 61</ref>.

==Transporting Charcoal==
Initially, most charcoal was moved from the hearths to local furnaces within about 2-5 miles by cart. As furnaces became larger in the late 1800s and early 1900s, charcoal was transported increasingly greater distances. This charcoal served the larger, more efficient furnaces, many of which were in the Midwest and South. In particular, the large furnaces of Michigan were highly dependent upon the movement of charcoal by train car.<ref>Williams 1989, 341-342</ref>. Specialized charcoal cars were designed and widely used, especially in New England, New York, Pennsylvania, Michigan, Alabama and Tennessee.<ref>Journal of the United States Association of Charcoal Iron Workers 1885</ref> In 1882, Bernhard Fernow, the manager of the lands associated with the [[Lehigh Furnace]], loaded 49 box cars with the charcoal of from "860 cords of chestnut, 25 years old, ... and 600 cords of black oak, 38 years old." <ref>Fernow 1882, 21</ref> The intended destination of this charcoal is unclear. One acre per year produces one cord of wood.<ref>Straka and Ramer, 60 </ref>

=Sustainability=
The need for charcoal in the iron industry created a significant demand for wood and a great deal of trees were chopped down for its production. The average output of furnaces between 1750 and 1800 was one hundred to four hundred tons of pig iron per year. This required two hundred to four hundred bushels of charcoal and fifty acres of trees to produce that amount<ref>Straka 2014, 105</ref>. Even though the increased efficiency of furnaces decreased the necessary amount of charcoal, increased production required one hundred fifty acres of wood by 1850 and one thousand four hundred acres by 1900<ref>Straka 2014, 106</ref>.

Since forests regenerated at different rates, this impacted sustainability. In the Western United States, woodlands took decades to regrow to maturity; so, forest sections usually were cut on a twenty-year cycle<ref> Walker 1966, 121</ref>. Old-growth forests would typically have higher yields<ref>Straka 2014, 105</ref>.
Eastern furnaces were some of the first to manage forests to ensure a sustainable yield<ref>Straka 2014, 111</ref>. Several early proponents of sustainable forestry were involved in the making of charcoal, like Bernhard E. Fernow, the manager of the Lehigh Furnace from 1879 to 1883. He advocated for coppicing of wood and protection from fire and cattle grazing to speed up regrowth of forest used for charcoal<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 60</ref>.

==Charcoal versus Coal==
The transition to coal as the primary fuel for furnaces began around 1840, but in 1859 around three-quarters of furnaces in America (particularly in Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York) still primarily used charcoal<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>. Charcoal remained a source of fuel in some places until 1945<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 61</ref>. Coal was chosen as a replacement for charcoal in part because it was less expensive to transport<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>. Coal being less expensive to transport in comparison to charcoal was largely due to the fact that coal was less bulky and was sourced from established mines unlike charcoal which was produced from scattered timber sources<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref>.

Charcoal, compared to coal, tended to produce a higher quality of iron with fewer impurities, partially because of its density<ref> Straka and Ramer, 2010, 59 </ref>. The use of charcoal also created less smoke using the production process<ref> Straka and Ramer, 2010, 59 </ref>. Iron made from charcoal had a "fine grain" and maintained a better cutting edge<ref>Straka and Ramer 2010, 59</ref> in comparison to coal. However, as coal became the primary source of fuel, production moved out of the forests and into cities, which allowed the forests to begin to recover from the impacts of charcoal production.

==Notes==
<references />

==References==
*''Agriculture and Rural economy – Charcoal → .'' 2010. The Encyclopedia of Diderot & d'Alembert Collaborative Translation Project. Ann Arbor: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library. [http://hdl.handle.net/2027/spo.did2222.0001.346] [https://artflsrv03.uchicago.edu/philologic4/encyclopedie1117/navigate/18/25/]. Originally published as "Agriculture et économie rustique – Charbon de bois," Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, vol. 1 (plates) (Paris, 1762).

*Fernow, Bernhard E. 1882. ''The Yield of Wood and When to Cut It.'' Journal of the United States Association of Charcoal Iron Workers 3 (1): 19–26.

*Gemmell, Alfred. 1949. ''The Charcoal Iron Industry in the Perkiomen Valley.'' Norristown, PA.: Hartenstine Printing House.

*Jones, Claude A. 1976. ''Making Charcoal at Jacobsburg.'' In Slate Belt Bicentennial Heritage, edited by Marjorie May, Maryann Repsher, Robert R. Saltern, Gordon E. Wilson, and Albert M. Toth, 32–33. Heritage Committee of the Slate Belt Bicentennial Commission.

* Kemper, Jackson. 1941. ''American Charcoal Making in the Era of the Cold-Blast Furnace.'' History 14. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior; National Park Service.

*MeasuringWorth Foundation. 2020. ''Measuring Worth- Relative Worth Comparators and Data Sets''. [https://www.measuringworth.com/index.php . Accessed April 24, 2020]

*Overman, Frederick. 1854. ''The Manufacture of Iron, in all its Various Branches'' (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Baird. [https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_manufacture_of_iron_in_all_its_vario/Gani2eHvhAkC?hl=en&gbpv=1]

*Straka, Thomas J., and Wayne C. Ramer. 2010. ''History on the Road: Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site.'' Forest History Today Spring/Fall: 58–62.[https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/2010_History-on-Road.pdf]

*Straka, Thomas J. 2014. ''Historic Charcoal Production in the US and Forest Depletion: Development of Production Parameters.'' Advances in Historical Studies: 104-114.[http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2014.32010]

*Svedelius, G., Joseph Leonard W. Nicodemus, and Björn R. Anderson. 1875. ''Hand-book for Charcoal Burners.'' New York: Wiley. [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc2.ark:/13960/t7dr2qz7d&view=1up&seq=166]

*''Transportation of Charcoal.'' 1885. Journal of the United States Association of Charcoal Iron Workers 6 (2): 117–21.

*''United States Census, 1860,'' database with images, FamilySearch [https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33S7-9BSD-C5Y?cc=1473181&wc=7QL9-Y6C%3A1589434177%2C1589434982%2C1589435676] : 24 March 2017, Pennsylvania > Carbon > East Penn Township > image 2 of 22; from "1860 U.S. Federal Census - Population," database, Fold3.com (http://www.fold3.com : n.d.); citing NARA microfilm publication M653 (Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.).

*Wagner, Van. 2008. ''Fire the Pit- Charcoal Production in Pennsylvania.'' 4 vols. [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RxW7g3IwD1k]; [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xVE_7hMLMZU]; [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=88FbebFElaY]; [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ghj2p9rrUmM]

* Walker, Joseph E. 1966. ''Hopewell Village; a Social and Economic History of an Iron-Making Community.'' Philadelphia,: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press.

*Williams, Michael. 1989. ''Americans and Their Forests : A Historical Geography.'' Cambridge [Cambridgeshire] ; Cambridge University Press.